You have the idea that death is something bad that will happen to you in the future. That is why you hold my view to be depressing.
As for accuracy, there is no description that is more accurate than that life is the process of dying. But you can flip it and say; death is the process of living. Does that sound equally depressing?
Bentham's utilitarianism, was centered in the "greatest happiness to the greatest number". He refused to consider any criteria to qualify the action in itself, because the validity of that action was depending on its results.
If the result of an action brings greater happiness for the large number, the action is good.
That leads us to serious problems. If slavery brings greater happiness for 90% of citizens of a country, does that mean that is good to enslave the other 10%?
Because of the Holocaust, jews received a state, a nation. That makes Holocaust good?
A liberal government reduces taxes, to assure the "happiness" of the majority of the citizens - no matter the minority becomes reduced to extreme misery.
Bentham's philosophy is the "other side" of liberal economists, like Smith. In both cases, a justification for the most extreme forms of capitalism.
I see it this way: Life is the process of dying. If life is good, how can death not be? They are inseparably linked.
djbt, I understand what you mean by "live" now. But does utilitarianism take into account that many people don't know what they find pleasurable and painful? Of course some know to some extent, but we are remarkably ignorant on the subject most of us.
Is it related to the type of calculations used in the article you linked to? Because the reasoning in that article seemed rather suspect to me.
Not if the displeasure to the slaves with the conditions of their slavery is sufficiently great to outweigh the pleasure to the slaveholders from enslaving people.
Not according to utilitarianism, again using willingness to pay as a proxy for utility. If you value the life of every jew killed in the holocaust at $5 million
What empirical evidence do you have that "extreme misery" was more common in nightwatchman states like 19th century Britain than in comparable big-government states like, say, 19th century Prussia? Was it sufficiently more common to justify Prussia's shortfall in average income?
Bentham advocated a nightwatchman state, and Smith argued for at least some interventions by the government. Both positions were less extreme than that of their contemporary William Godwin, who was not a utilitarian, but who did argue for a much more radical capitalism with no government at all -- the kind we would now call "anarcho-capitalism
Quote:Not if the displeasure to the slaves with the conditions of their slavery is sufficiently great to outweigh the pleasure to the slaveholders from enslaving people.
Does that mean that, when that displeasure is not sufficiently great to outweigh the pleasure of the slaveholders, slavery is morally fair?
You see, this is the problem with utilitarianism. Bentham could not say, according to his own theory, that slavery is always, no matter the consequences, a bad moral choice.
I refuse to value an human life in money.
Does that mean that extreme misery is morally good if it was identical in Britain and Prussia, or even superior in Prussia?
But that only shows there are worst theories, not that utilitarian philosophy is acceptable. In that perspective, I also could compare Stuart Mill moral and political philosophy with Saint-Simon, Bakunine, Feuerbach, Karl Marx, Engels.
And the example I gave about Holocaust had the purpose to show how difficult is to establish what are, exactly, the consequences of an action.
many immigrants auctioned themselves off into indentured servitude to pay for the passage from Europe. (If I am correctly informed, typical timescales were 2-3 years of indentured servitude for a one-way ticket.)
Yet in your daily life, you trade off bits and pieces of your life for inferior pleasures all the time: Each time you enjoy one more potato chip at the cost of increasing your risk of heart attack; each time you cross a street, risking that some car might run into you, to say hello to a friend you see on the other side; each time you decide whether to buy your car with an air bag or without one; the list goes on and on.
Quote:many immigrants auctioned themselves off into indentured servitude to pay for the passage from Europe. (If I am correctly informed, typical timescales were 2-3 years of indentured servitude for a one-way ticket.)
No. Not a fair game. If someone sells himself in a situation of necessity he is not free tho choose. Choosing between dying of hunger or being a slave is not, in my point of view, a choice. And that example you gave shows exactly the levels of inhumanity utilitarianism can reach.
Quote:Yet in your daily life, you trade off bits and pieces of your life for inferior pleasures all the time: Each time you enjoy one more potato chip at the cost of increasing your risk of heart attack; each time you cross a street, risking that some car might run into you, to say hello to a friend you see on the other side; each time you decide whether to buy your car with an air bag or without one; the list goes on and on.
I am a smoker. But when I smoke I have the hope that I will not die of it. We all know we are mortal, but no one really believes in his own personal death until it comes. We try not to think of it. We can negotiate situations of more or less security, but we are not dealing with our own death.
And, Thomas: British system in XIX century was good to whom? Moral to whom? And even if life conditions were good -and they weren't-, why would that make the system more moral than others? Because of the results?
What alternative moral and legal rules would you propose to solve the problem? And why do you think they would have been morally preferable?
Again, you are basing your position in terms of "solving a problem". But the question is: should we have a moral code and face problems with it, or create a moral code to solve this problem or that problem?
The Holocaust was a solution. Nazis had two many jews in the concentration camps. Gas chambers were a solution.
But it was a bad solution. And it would be a bad solution no matter what the results were.
Are you really saying: 'I would like to see those people stay in Europe and starve, rather than compromise my moral stand against slavery'?
But my perspective is different: the concept of slavery is always morally wrong. And the concept of a society where people starve to death is morally wrong. We cannot say that if slavery prevents you to starve, slavery becomes morally good.
If I was in the situation of starving to death or sell myself, I probably would choose to sell myself. But would that be a moral choice? I don't think so.
We can only make moral choices if we can decide in freedom.
Utilitarianism and maximizing economic efficiency is identical if one assumes that (a) willingness to pay is a good measure of ones utility, and (b) everyone has the same utility for each extra dollar of income. Of course, there is no philosophically compelling reason to define utility in terms of (a). But it has the advantage that willingness to pay is observable and determines what happens, while utility in the abstract doesn't. The assumption in (b) runs into problems when you're looking at transfers between people whose marginal utility of income is different: poor to rich, askets to materialists, and so forth. So the rule "maximize economic efficiency" isn't the same as "maximize aggregate utility", but it's pretty good as a first approximation.
You say the reasoning in the article seems suspect to you. Can you elaborate?
You state that this system uses willingness to pay as a measure of ones utility. It was my understanding that utilitarianism was concerned with the utility of something to people, not the utility of a person, as seems to be the concern in this system. Is this a fair assessment?
The first thing that struck me was that, when talking about buying an extra percent, no time scale or frequency of incidence was mentioned. If I were asked how much I would pay for one percent less chance of dying in an accident, I'd want to know how often I am likely to have the accident in question.
If person x has high (a) then we should spend more money on increasing (a) and less on increasing (b). If person y has low (a) we should spend more money on increasing (a) and less on increasing (b). The question is only whether the money should be spent on increasing likelihood of staying alive, or increasing quality of life. The worth of the life is the same.
Not because of the results, but because slavery is morally unacceptable.
As I understand your way of framing it, this tells us that people place a constant value on their life but have an increasing demand for safety as they get richer. Landsburg, who likes to provoke people, would say that people have a constant use for money, but their lives were worth less in 1905. It doesn't matter which variable you call constant -- the tradeoff chosen in the end turns out to be the same.
The probability of your dying of an accident depends, among other things, on the frequency of it happening. So the frequency is implicitly reflected in the probability of dying.
djbt wrote:You state that this system uses willingness to pay as a measure of ones utility. It was my understanding that utilitarianism was concerned with the utility of something to people, not the utility of a person, as seems to be the concern in this system. Is this a fair assessment?
Yes, this is a fair assessment.
Thomas wrote:The probability of your dying of an accident depends, among other things, on the frequency of it happening. So the frequency is implicitly reflected in the probability of dying.
So it's the probability of me dying at some time earlier than the longest I could possibly live (say, 100).