@hawkeye10,
We had turn our whole criminal justice system into a system of let make a deal and it a damn shame.
The Case Against
Plea Bargaining
B Y T IMOTHY L YNCH
Cato Institute
Pinate the administration of justice in America.
According to one legal scholar, “Every two sec-
onds during a typical workday, a criminal case
is disposed of in an American courtroom by
way of a guilty plea or nolo contendere plea.”
Even though plea bargaining pervades the
justice system, I argue that the practice should be abolished
because it is unconstitutional.
THE RISE AND FALL OF ADVERSARIAL TRIALS
Because any person who is accused of violating the criminal
law can lose his liberty, and perhaps even his life depending on
the offense and prescribed penalty, the Framers of the Consti-
tution took pains to put explicit limits on the awesome pow-
ers of government. The Bill of Rights explicitly guarantees sev-
eral safeguards to the accused, including the right to be
informed of the charges, the right not to be compelled to
incriminate oneself, the right to a speedy and public trial, the
right to an impartial jury trial in the state and district where the
offense allegedly took place, the right to cross-examine the
state’s witnesses, the right to call witnesses on one’s own behalf,
and the right to the assistance of counsel.
Justice Hugo Black once noted that, in America, the defen-
dant “has an absolute, unqualified right to compel the State to
investigate its own case, find its own witnesses, prove its own
facts, and convince the jury through its own resources.
Throughout the process, the defendant has a fundamental right
to remain silent, in effect challenging the State at every point
to ‘Prove it!’” By limiting the powers of the police and prose-
cutors, the Bill of Rights safeguards freedom.
Given the Fifth Amendment’s prohibition of compelled
self-incrimination and the Sixth Amendment’s guarantee of
Timothy Lynch is director of the Cato Institute’s Project on Criminal Justice. He can be
contacted by e-mail at
[email protected].
R EG U L AT IO N F A L L 2 0 0 3
lea bargaining has come to dom-impartial juries, one would think that the administration of criminal justice in America would be marked by adversarial
trials — and yet, the opposite is true. Fewer than 10 percent
of the criminal cases brought by the federal government each
year are actually tried before juries with all of the accompanying procedural safeguards noted above. More than 90 per-
cent of the criminal cases in America are never tried, much less
proven, to juries. The overwhelming majority of individuals
who are accused of crime forgo their constitutional rights and
plead guilty.
The rarity of jury trials is not the result of criminals who
come into court to relieve a guilty conscience or save taxpayers the costs of a trial. The truth is that government officials have deliberately engineered the system to assure that the jury trial system established by the Constitution is seldom used. And plea bargaining is the primary technique used by the government to bypass the institutional safeguards in trials.
Plea bargaining consists of an agreement (formal or informal) between the defendant and the prosecutor. The prosecutor typically agrees to a reduced prison sentence in return for the defendant’s waiver of his co stitutional right against selfincrimination and his right to trial. As one critic has written,
“The leniency is payment to a defendant to induce him or her
not to go to trial. The guilty plea or no contest plea is the quid
pro quo for the concession; there is no other reason.”
Plea bargaining unquestionably alleviates the workload of
judges, prosecutors, and defense lawyers. But is it proper for a
government that is constitutionally required to respect the right
to trial by jury to use its charging and sentencing powers to
pressure an individual to waive that right? There is no doubt
that government officials deliberately use their power to pres-
sure people who have been accused of crime, and who are pre-
sumed innocent, to confess their guilt and waive their right to
a formal trial. We know this to be true because prosecutors
freely admit that this is what they do.
Watershed precedent Paul Lewis Hayes, for example, was indicted for attempting to pass a forged check in the amount of $88.30,
an offense that was punishable by a prison term of two to 10
years. The prosecutor offered to recommend a sentence of five
years if Hayes would waive his right to trial and plead guilty to
the charge. The prosecutor also made it clear to Hayes that if he
did not plead guilty and “save the court the inconvenience and
necessity of a trial,” the state would seek a new indictment from
a grand jury under Kentucky’s “Habitual Criminal Act.” Under
the provisions of that statute, Hayes would face a mandatory sen-
tence of life imprisonment because of his prior criminal record.
Despite the enormous pressure exerted upon him by the state,
Hayes insisted on his right to jury trial. He was subsequently con-
victed and then sentenced to life imprisonment.
On appeal, Hayes argued that the prosecutor violated the
Constitution by threatening to punish him for simply invok-
ing his right to a trial. In response, the government freely admit-
ted that the only reason a new indictment was filed against
Hayes was to deter him from exercising that right. Because the
indictment was supported by the evidence, the government
maintained that the prosecutor had done nothing improper.
The case ultimately reached the U.S. Supreme Court for a res-
olution. In a landmark 5–4 ruling, Bordenkircher v. Hayes, the
Court approved the prosecutor’s handling of the case and
upheld the draconian sentence of life imprisonment. Because
the 1978 case is considered to be the watershed precedent for
plea bargaining, it deserves careful attention.
The Hayes ruling acknowledged that it would be “patently
unconstitutional” for any agent of the
government “to pursue a course of
action whose objective is to penalize a
person’s reliance on his legal rights.”
The Court, however, declined to over-
turn Hayes’s sentence because he
could have completely avoided the risk
of life imprisonment by admitting his
guilt and accepting a prison term of
five years. The constitutional rationale
for plea bargaining is that there is “no
element of punishment or retaliation
so long as the accused is free to accept
or reject the prosecution’s offer.”
WHY THE SUPREME COURT
WAS WRONG
Initially, the Court’s proposition in
Hayes seems plausible because crimi-
nal defendants have always been
allowed to waive their right to a trial,
and the executive and legislative
branches have always had discretion
with respect to their charging and sen-
tencing policies. But a closer inspec-
tion will show that the constitutional
rationale underlying plea bargaining
cannot withstand scrutiny.
First, it is important to note that
the existence of some element of
choice has never been thought to jus-
tify otherwise wrongful conduct. As
the Supreme Court itself observed in
another context, “It always is for the
interest of a party under duress to
choose the lesser of two evils. But the
fact that a choice was made according
to interest does not exclude duress. It
is the characteristic of duress prop-
erly so called.”
The courts have employed similar
reasoning in tort disputes between
private parties. For example, a
R EG U L AT IO N F A L L 2 0 0 3
woman brought a false imprisonment action against a male
acquaintance after he allegedly forced her to travel with him in
his automobile when it was her desire to travel by train. Accord-
ing to the complaint, the man boarded the train, seized the
woman’s purse, and then disembarked and proceeded to his
car. The woman then left the train to retrieve her purse. While
arguing with the man in the parking lot, the train left the sta-
tion. Reluctantly, the woman got into the vehicle to travel to her
destination. The man maintained that the false imprisonment
claim lacked merit because he exercised no physical force
against the woman and because she was at liberty to remain on
the train or to go her own way. The court rejected that defense
and ruled that the false imprisonment theory had merit
because the woman did not wish to leave the train and she did
not wish to depart without her purse. The man unlawfully
interfered with the woman’s liberty to be where she wished to
LAW
criticize a politician and then to deny that politician a “right to
equal space” in the paper to defend himself against such criticism.
Even though Florida newspapers remained free to say whatever
they wished, the Court recognized that the statute exacted a “penal-
ty” for the simple exercise of free speech about political affairs.
Finally, the ad hoc nature of the Hayes precedent becomes
apparent when one extends its logic to other rights involving
criminal procedure. The Court has never proffered a satisfactory explanation with respect to why the government should
not be able to use its sentencing powers to leverage the waiver of constitutional rights pertaining to the trial itself. Can federal prosecutors enter into “negotiations” with criminal defendants with respect to the exercise of their trial rights? For
example, when a person is accused of a crime, he has the option
of hiring an experienced attorney to prepare a legal defense on
his behalf or representing himself without the aid of counsel.
Plea bargaining rests on the constitutional fiction that
our government does not retaliate against individuals
who wish to exercise their right to trial by jury.
be. The fact that the man had given the woman some choices
that she could “accept or reject” did not alter the fact that the
man was a tortfeasor.
Second, the Supreme Court has repeatedly invalidated cer-
tain governmental actions that were purposely designed to
coerce individuals and organizations into surrendering their
constitutional rights. In the 1978 case Marshall v. Barlow’s Inc.,
the Court ruled that a businessman was within his rights when
he refused to allow an Occupational Safety and Health Admin-
istration inspector into his establishment without a search war-
rant. The secretary of labor filed a legal brief arguing that when
people make the decision to go into business, they essentially
“consent” to governmental inspections of their property. Even
though the owner of the premises could have avoided such
inspections by shutting down his business, the Court recog-
nized that the osha regulations penalized commercial prop-
erty owners for exercising their right under the Fourth Amend-
ment to insist that government inspectors obtain search
warrants before demanding access to the premises.
In the 1978 case Nollan v. California Coastal Commission, the
Court ruled that the state of California could not grant a devel-
opment permit subject to the condition that the landowners
allow the public an easement across a portion of their proper-
ty. Even though the landowners had the option of “accepting
or rejecting” the Coastal Commission’s deal, the Court recog-
nized that the permit condition, in the circumstances of that
case, amounted to an “out-and-out plan of extortion.”
Similarly, in the 1974 case Miami Herald Publishing Co. v. Tornil-
lo, the Supreme Court invalidated a so-called “right of reply”
statute. The Florida legislature made it a crime for a newspaper to
R EG U L AT IO N F A L L 2 0 0 3
Can a prosecutor induce a defendant into waiving his right to
the assistance of counsel with a recommendation for lenien-
cy in the event of a conviction? Such prosecutorial tactics are
presently unheard of. And yet, under the rationale of the Hayes
case, it is not obvious why such tactics should be constitu-
tionally barred. After all, under Hayes there is no element of
punishment or retaliation so long as the accused is free to
accept or reject the prosecutor’s offer.
Sophistry to pretend otherwise Plea bargaining rests on the
constitutional fiction that our government does not retaliate
against individuals who wish to exercise their right to trial by
jury. Although the fictional nature of that proposition has been
apparent to many for some time now, what is new is that more
and more people are reaching the conclusion that it is intoler-
able. Chief Judge William G. Young of the Federal District Court
in Massachusetts, for example, recently filed an opinion that
was refreshingly candid about what is happening in the mod-
ern criminal justice system:
Evidence of sentencing disparity visited on those who exer-
cise their Sixth Amendment right to trial by jury is today
stark, brutal, and incontrovertible.… Today, under the
Sentencing Guidelines regime with its vast shift of power to
the Executive, that disparity has widened to an incredible 500
percent. As a practical matter this means, as between two
similarly situated defendants, that if the one who pleads and
cooperates gets a four-year sentence, then the guideline sen-
tence for the one who exercises his right to trial by jury and is
convicted will be 20 years. Not surprisingly, such a disparity
imposes an extraordinary burden on the free exercise of the
right to an adjudication of guilt by one’s peers. Criminal trial
rates in the United States and in this District are plummeting
due to the simple fact that today we punish people— punish
them severely — simply for going to trial. It is the sheerest
sophistry to pretend otherwise.
SANDEFUR’S CHALLENGE
Attorney Timothy Sandefur, whose comments follow this arti-
cle, concedes that plea bargaining is “rife with unfair prosecu-
torial tactics” and needs “reform.” But he rejects the proposi-
tion that plea bargaining is unconstitutional. Let us examine
Sandefur’s defense of plea bargaining.
First, everyone acknowledges that the state may not punish
or penalize a person for simply invoking a right that is sup-
posed to be guaranteed under the Constitution. And yet, this
is precisely what the government does with plea bargaining. For
example, every month police officers in Washington, D.C.
encounter tourists who are carrying handguns. The tourists are
unaware of the District’s strict laws against handgun posses-
sion. They regularly surrender handguns to police officers who
are supervising metal detectors at museums around the capi-
tal. When the tourists openly surrender their firearms, they
mistakenly believe that they are doing nothing illegal. The gun
is then confiscated and the tourist is arrested. If a tourist agrees
to forgo a trial and plead guilty, prosecutors do not request jail
time. However, if a tourist were to seek a jury trial, prosecutors
would respond with additional charges, such as possession of
illegal ammunition (conceivably, a count for each bullet in the
pistol chamber). Not surprisingly, 99.9 percent of the tourists
decide to plead guilty.
Sandefur argues that, in such cases criminal defendants are
not being punished for a refusal to bargain; they are instead
being punished for “violating the law.” According to Sandefur,
the tourists have no right to complain because they have no
“right to leniency.” That line of argument has surface appeal,
but it is defective. The logical fallacy of division says that what
may be true for the whole is not necessarily true for the parts.
Thus, a prosecutor can indeed “throw the book” at any given
tourist. However, if it came to light that the prosecutor was tar-
geting, say, Hispanics for harsher treatment, we would know
that something was very wrong. The retort that Hispanic
arrestees do not have a “right to leniency” would be an unsat-
isfying defense of the prosecutor’s handling of such cases. Plea
bargaining tactics fail for similar, though perhaps more subtle,
reasons. Just because the state can throw the book at someone
does not mean that it can use its power to retaliate against a per-
son who wishes to exercise his right to a trial.
Sandefur’s defense of plea bargaining repeatedly returns to
the idea that criminal defendants have the “right to make a con-
tract,” as in other free-trade situations. But plea bargaining is
not free trade. It is a forced association. Once a person has been
charged with a crime, he does not have the option of walking
away from the state.
Sandefur argues that because individuals can waive many of
their constitutional rights, they can also “sell” their rights. Even
if that argument had merit, it is not the law. But, more impor-
tantly, one suspects that it is not the law because the argument
lacks merit. Imagine four people who are charged with auto
theft. One defendant pleads guilty to the offense and receives
three years of jail time. The second defendant insists upon a trial,
but sells his right to call his own witnesses. After conviction, he
receives four years. The third defendant insists on a trial, but sells
his right to be represented by his famous attorney-uncle, F. Lee
Bailey. Instead, he hires a local attorney and, in addition, sells his
right to a speedy trial. After conviction, he receives five years.
The fourth insists upon a trial, presents a rigorous but unsuc-
cessful defense and, after conviction, receives a prison sentence
of 10 years. Are the disparate punishments for the same offense
sensible? The courtroom just does not seem to be the proper
place for an auction and haggling.
The constitutional defect with plea bargaining is systemic,
not episodic. The rarity of jury trials is not the result of some
spontaneous order spawned by contract negotiations between
individuals.
CONCLUSION
Thomas Jefferson famously observed that “the natural
progress of things is for liberty to yield and government to gain
ground.” The American experience with plea bargaining is yet
another confirmation of that truth. The Supreme Court
unleashed a runaway train when it sanctioned plea bargain-
ing in Bordenkircher v. Hayes. Despite a steady media diet of titillating criminal trials in recent years, there is an increasing
recognition that jury trials are now a rarity in America — and
that something, somewhere, is seriously amiss. That “some-
thing” is plea bargaining.
As with so many other areas of constitutional law, the Court
must stop tinkering around the edges of the issue and return
to first principles. It is true that plea bargaining speeds caseload
disposition, but it does so in an unconstitutional manner. The
Framers of the Constitution were aware of less time-consum-
ing trial procedures when they wrote the Bill of Rights, but
chose not to adopt them. The Framers believed the Bill of
Rights, and the freedom it secured, was well worth any costs
that resulted. If that vision is to endure, the Supreme Court
R
must come to its defense.
R E A D I N G S
• “Ad Hoc Plea Bargaining,” by Joseph Colquitt. Tulane Law
Review, Vol. 75 (2001).
•
Escape of the Guilty, by Ralph Adam Fine. New York, N.Y.:
Dodd, Mead, 1987.
•
Plea Bargaining’s Triumph, by George Fisher. Stanford, Calif.,
Stanford University Press, 2003.
•
“Torture and Plea Bargaining,” by John H. Langbein. The
Public Interest, Winter 1980.
•
The Tyranny of Good Intentions, by Paul Craig Roberts and
Lawrence M. Stratton. New York, N.Y.: Prima Publishing, 2000
R EG U L AT IO N F A L L 2 0 0 3
Try and see if you can figure out what you are saying. 
It's simply that you are so paranoid you see conspiracies everywhere, you don't really understand the criminal justice system or the legal process, you don't trust anyone, and you think you know better than everyone else. Meanwhile, you don't read or understand actual laws, you never go to sit in actual courtrooms, or watch entire trials on TV, but you laughingly think you know all about the "justice" system.