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FOLLOWING THE EUROPEAN UNION

 
 
Walter Hinteler
 
  1  
Thu 2 Jun, 2005 05:18 am
timberlandko wrote:
The two votes, coming days apart, signal that the dream of a unified Europe is just that; a dream. June 1 2005 marks a significant turning point in European History.


I don't know, why you put this date - the constitution in its actual form was dead when one country (here: France) opposed.

As far as I know - and you said, you've read it, too - the constitution wasn't about a unifying Europe but a constitution for the member states of the European Union.
0 Replies
 
nimh
 
  1  
Thu 2 Jun, 2005 06:33 am
georgeob1 wrote:
Perhaps then the real challenge for Western Europe is to find political leadership with the persuasive power, foresight and endurance required to tackle the fundamental causes of the economic sclerosis that I believe is at the heart of these events. The threats to their continued social and economic security don't come from new competition from the rising economies in the East or "Anglo Saxon" concepts of ruthless competition, or even the demands of increasingly global markets. They come instead from the fixed idea that they can somehow cling to their protectionist social welfare systems unmodified in the face of new demographic and economic facts, which will ultimately compel them to change, like it or not.

That doesnt seem very democratic, though. To look at what people have voted against and in reponse conclude that what it means is that they need more of it.

Not that it would be a first. Take politics here, in Hungary, or in Poland for that matter. For a good decade after the first free elections of 1990, the Hungarians and Poles kept voting out their governments, deeming them to have implemented all too stringent market reforms. (After all, their living standards did drastically drop for several years, and only reached back the level from before 1989 a decade on.) They kept instead voting opposition parties into power that promised to take more heed to the social aspects of the transition. But as soon as the new government started work, it would revert to privatising and streamlining pretty much the same way, or more enthusiastically, than their predecessors.

That has made turnout and trust in politicians an ever precarious affair, not to mention the boosted support (in Poland) for far-right protest parties. One could well say that, in the EU, the same kind of thinking is exactly what got us in this mess in the first place.
0 Replies
 
Thomas
 
  1  
Thu 2 Jun, 2005 07:49 am
nimh wrote:
That doesnt seem very democratic, though. To look at what people have voted against and in reponse conclude that what it means is that they need more of it.

That's true, it isn't democratic at all. But reality is not subject to majority vote. The Tennessee state congress discovered this 100 years ago when it passed a law defining the numerical value of pi to be 3. And legislatures all over Europe are discovering it now, as they pass laws ignoring that to share the wealth, you must first produce it, so your high taxes and overregulation shouldn't drive your most productive people out of the country.

On matters of reality, there is no merit in majority vote, and no vice in doing what's unpopular but correct.
0 Replies
 
georgeob1
 
  1  
Thu 2 Jun, 2005 07:56 am
I don't mean to imply that any of this should be done in a way that defies the Democratic process. On the contrary I hope that some political leadership will arise that can effectively paint a realistic picture of the situation and alternatives for fixing it to the voting public. I don't think the present governments of Western Europe are doing that now. Chancellor Schroeder is making a fairly good effort at it now and meeting with strong resistance in the process - a situation that undoubtedly will test him. Margaret Thatcher faced these issues a couple of decades ago in the UK and solved them in a Democratic way, much to the lasting benefit of that country.
0 Replies
 
timberlandko
 
  1  
Thu 2 Jun, 2005 08:05 am
Walter Hinteler wrote:
timberlandko wrote:
The two votes, coming days apart, signal that the dream of a unified Europe is just that; a dream. June 1 2005 marks a significant turning point in European History.


I don't know, why you put this date - the constitution in its actual form was dead when one country (here: France) opposed.

As far as I know - and you said, you've read it, too - the constitution wasn't about a unifying Europe but a constitution for the member states of the European Union.


I'd say the French gut-shot the "Constitution", and the Dutch administered the coup de grace. Now, I don't postulate this means the end for the EU - just that things will be very interestingly unsettled there for some time to come.
0 Replies
 
Thomas
 
  1  
Thu 2 Jun, 2005 08:48 am
Thomas wrote:
According to the standard economic analysis of optimal currency areas, introducing the Euro never was a sensible choice from a strictly macroeconomic point of view

A fellow poster with greater expertise than myself just pointed out to me in a PM that my above statement "wasn't quite accurate as written." Several reputable economists, disagree with it, and _do_ think the Euro was a sensible choice from a strictly macroeconomic point of view. One of those economists is Robert Mundell, who had invented "the standard economic analysis of optimal currency areas", and received the 1999 Nobel Prize in economics for doing so.

My understanding, from reading the relevant chapters in Macroeconomics 101 textbooks by both liberal and conservative authors, is that most macroeconomists have reached conclusions different from Mundell's when they took the framework he'd developed and applied it to the European Union. On that basis, I continue to believe that the EU is not an optimal currency area. Nevertheless, I did overstate my case on this point. Sorry.
0 Replies
 
timberlandko
 
  1  
Thu 2 Jun, 2005 09:08 am
Perhaps just a slight overstatement, Thomas. I think, the "Class Warfare" excuse-making aside, that the "Constitution"'s woes come down in large part to sovereignty - simple nationalism. The nations of Europe have developed over the past couple of millenia. Lots more folks see themselves as "French" or "Dutch" or "British" (even "English, Welsh", "Scots", "Irish") than "European". The global economic retrenchment of the late '90s, early 21st Century coincided with the widespread adoption of the Euro, which is the most tangible symbol of the EU. As recession gripped the European economies, many saw not global conditions - macroeconomics - but the Euro as the proximate cause of risng unemployment, inflation, and declining growth.

Of course, that begs the question - was the Euro merely along for the ride, or did its adoption play a part in general economic stagnation? I think the latter unlikely, though some do not. To my mind, the Asian market collapse kicked off the recession; the Euro was just unfortunate to be coming of age when recession went global. Naturally, the rise in petroleum prices as the Asian economies - particularly China - recovered and began devouring the stuff hasn't helped a bit.

Folks tend to blame what they see, and the European, worried about job, pension, and inflation, sees the Euro, and, by extension, the EU. That may explain why "The Elite" were more in favor of the Constitution; they saw beyond the obvious, while "The Average Guy" looked no further than his own wallet; "Things were better", the thinking goes, "when we had the Mark or the Franc or the Guilder, or the Pound". By definition, "The Elite" are a minority demographic. They may have the Right Idea, but unless they can put their Idea into terms The Average Guy will buy, the Idea ain't gonna sell to the Average Guy - without whom, in a democracy, nothing happens.
0 Replies
 
cicerone imposter
 
  1  
Thu 2 Jun, 2005 09:55 am
Thomas, I'm not as well read as you are on macroeconomics, but I believe as you do that a common currency for Europe is a bad idea. Once they lose control of their currency, they can do nothing to control inflation - a major problem with economies that over-heat. Also, economic stability is based not on the currency, but on the ability of the country to ensure that its infrastructure is well established - such as communication, roads, education, health, responsible government spending, and access to energy. A currency in and of itself is not the answer.
0 Replies
 
nimh
 
  1  
Thu 2 Jun, 2005 10:01 am
timberlandko wrote:
the "Class Warfare" excuse-making aside

I take that as meaning you're not going along with my take on the situation then ;-)
0 Replies
 
Walter Hinteler
 
  1  
Thu 2 Jun, 2005 10:05 am
timberlandko wrote:
Lots more folks see themselves as "French" or "Dutch" or "British" (even "English, Welsh", "Scots", "Irish") than "European".


I would have thought it to be exactly the other way around. (Based on on life experience and travelling through Europe plus what media report[ed].)

What, however, is broadly noticed, is the growing regional identity.
0 Replies
 
Walter Hinteler
 
  1  
Thu 2 Jun, 2005 11:00 am
Quote:
EU leaders rally round to stem crisis
The German Chancellor Gerhard Schröder is meeting with Luxembourg President of the European Union Jean-Claude Juncker today to discuss the European constitution crisis. On Saturday, French President Jacques Chirac will visit the Chancellor in Berlin.

EU leaders have been in close contact in recent days in an attempt to save what they can of the situation.
Chancellor Schröder is determined that the crisis concerning the acceptance of the constitution does not escalate into a general crisis within the EU.

Latvia's government ratified the document by a large majority today. Denmark's Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen has announced his country is planning to go ahead with its referendum in September.
source: Radio Netherland
0 Replies
 
nimh
 
  1  
Thu 2 Jun, 2005 11:38 am
Over in the other thread, I posted the "exhibits" for the case that the referendum results showed up a clear divide by class, which cuts right through several parties - and that it might well presage a revival of collectivist politics (and thus a downturn for liberalism):

Exit poll Dutch referendum: results by level of education
Shows an enormous contrast in vote between highly educated and lowly educated

France has a class struggle again (translation from Dutch)
That article I'd still promised to translate; the French vote as a protest of the "France from below" against the "France from up high"

The common man settles scores (translation from Dutch)
Report from Rotterdam polling stations: working-class voters vote against government, Brussels, studied folks and the whole lot

Dutch referendum: Map of results by local council with list of Top 10 places with highest YES and NO vote
The richest towns in the country voted YES, as did some middle-class suburbs and the odd university town; the fiercest NO was heard in the Bible Belt, rural Communist/Labour strongholds, Rotterdam and the working-class "white flight" suburbs of Rotterdam and Amsterdam

Finally, Walter posted the

Announcement of Dutch PM Balkenende on the referendum
0 Replies
 
realjohnboy
 
  1  
Thu 2 Jun, 2005 01:47 pm
My, my, what a fascinating read this has been. And the list of posters is impressive. Nimn and Walter, of course And cicerone whom I know from his travel theads. Timberlanko, who could drive my blood pressure up. And geogeob and thomas who I have just started following in detail.

The fall in the euro is of no great consequence, I think. It's great for ci, whose next trip to Europe will be cheaper. But in terms of trade where a weak dollar helped US exporters or a weak euro helped European exporters; those days are pretty much over due to the internationalism of manufacturing and distribution.
The collapse (or at lease the postponement) of the concept of a EU is due to the failure of the leaders to convincingly make the argument for the necessity for putting Public Needs above Private Wants.
The leaders failed badly in making their case in France and the Netherlands and, as Nimh suggested in his comments about voting by class, and as Walter suggested in his comment about voting by region.

Is the concept of a EU dead? I would say yes. The great stumbling block to overcome is "Private Wants vs Public Needs." I don't see a politician or groups of politicians who can alter that. -rjb-
0 Replies
 
Walter Hinteler
 
  1  
Thu 2 Jun, 2005 03:01 pm
Quote:
?'This Process Will Go On'
An EU visionary discusses the future of a united Europe ?-and whether it can be a counterweight to U.S. power


WEB EXCLUSIVE
By Christopher Dickey
Newsweek
Updated: 4:11 p.m. ET June 2, 2005


June 2 - If the European Union had "founding fathers," then Max Kohnstamm, 91, was one of them. When French voters rejected the European constitution on Sunday, and Dutch voters appeared to give it the coup de grâce yesterday, many analysts wondered if the last half-century's efforts to unite Europe might be coming to an end. Not Kohnstamm, who brings a longer view to the debate, and probably a wiser one, than anyone alive.

Born in Amsterdam in 1914, Kohnstamm joined a student resistance movement during World War II, but was soon arrested and interned. After the defeat of the Nazis, and the return of the Dutch monarchy, Kohnstamm served as personal secretary to Queen Wilhelmina. In the 1950s, after French Foreign Minister Robert Schuman first proposed the creation of a European "coal and steel community," which was the forerunner of the Common Market and the European Union, Kohnstamm became one of the closest associates of the organization's visionary president, Jean Monnet.

Kohnstamm, who now lives in the Ardennes forest of Belgium, spoke twice by phone with NEWSWEEK Paris Bureau Chief Christopher Dickey as the results of the voting in France and Holland became clear. Excerpts from his comments:

On the ideas driving Kohnstamm and his colleagues at the creation the new Europe:
The background was the second world war. I had only been in a real concentration camp for three months, and then I had been two years and a couple of months in a "hostage camp" where we were treated very well?-at least, those who weren't shot. Of course, there was an enormously strong feeling after 1945: "This cannot happen again." We wanted to start anew, and the first thing was to reconstruct the home country and rebuild it as much as possible.…

If you had a rational mind it was quite clear that you never could reconstruct [Holland] if there was chaos across our borderline with Germany, because economically our country was, and still is, nearly a part of Germany. [But] what was the sense of rebuilding the Ruhr, which was the heartland of German industry, if it would again be the place where bombs were produced to bomb Rotterdam? So how did you come out of this vicious circle? That was the big question. To me the Schuman plan [for cooperative pooling of coal and steel resources among France, Germany, Holland, Belgium, Luxembourg and Italy] was a fantastic bit of luck.

On Monnet's vision:
I became a member of the Dutch delegation who had to make a treaty out of the Schuman plan, and Jean Monnet was president of that conference. It soon came to be very clear that what he was driving at was, of course, a coal and steel community and friendship between France and Germany, and the reconstruction of Europe. But behind that was a view of how in this world, which he already saw as becoming globalized, you can organize lasting peace. So that was really what we were all dealing with from the very beginning: the possibility of creating not just a reconstruction of Europe, but of advancing a structure that might bring peace to the world as a whole.

About the reasons French President Jacques Chirac's referendum on the constitution was defeated so soundly:
Well, this is a very complicated thing. In France I think the internal political situation plays a very big role?-you vote against Chirac … But, you know, when you look at the discussions in France, you have a far-out right side and a far-out left side, and the left side still believes in Karl Marx and the right side still believes in Napoleon. When I listen to some of these nationalists' [arguments], I am reminded of when Napoleon came back from his campaign against Russia, and his army had been destroyed, and he proclaimed to Paris that he had won the war! So there is a remnant of that. What was interesting is that half of the Socialists and a good part of the sensible right want Europe. But it has never really been explained to them.


On the reasons the Dutch turned out so heavily to vote against the European constitution:
There is a part of it that is unhappiness with the present government. I think the popularity of the government is about 32 per cent … The government was too late seeing what was wrong. Nobody said clearly: "The simple question before you is that we [the European Union] are now 25 countries; we started with six. We must change our structure to deal with that."

About the Dutch unease with the pace of change:
The Netherlands is a country that has lived for several centuries with different pillars of society?-Catholic, Protestant, Jewish?-and these pillars were in areas of their own. But now these pillars have all broken down. People don't feel secure when they are no longer surrounded by people with their own kind of thoughts … When I was in school there were 7 million in this small country. Now there are 16 million. It has gone from being a green country, to being one city with a few green parks.

On the future of European unification:
I'm not among those who say that if the union were ever to fail, we would have war again in Europe. I don't believe that at all … The amazing thing is, still, if tomorrow the Dutch would say, "I want to leave this community," there is no fear that the German Army will march in to occupy the country….

With all the steps forward and the steps backward, we've nevertheless managed to keep going with Europe for 50 years now. But it has never been well explained. If by any chance you have Monnet's memoirs, you will see in the last lines of it, he even puts the question to himself: have I expressed enough that this is not building a new great power, but a new structure of international relations?

On what's next for Europe:
I think the ratification procedure [of the constitution] should go on. Nine countries have ratified. If you look at the amount of people, it is about half of the European population. So let the other countries express themselves and then the governments will meet again to see what the situation is….

You know, when the European Defense Community, proposed by the French, was then voted down by the French Parliament in August 1954, people had to try again to see how you could move forward. There was a conference in Messina [Sicily] of foreign ministers from the six countries, and they started the process which led to the Treaty of Rome and to the Common Market. So you see, if you've been there from the beginning, you are used to setbacks. But thus far, every setback has led to further steps forward, and I am absolutely sure that this process will go on. But it will be slowed down. And in a certain way you might say that it has to be slowed down, because governments have failed to really explain what the deep roots of this thing are.

On Europe as a counterweight to American hyperpower:
To be a counterweight in itself is nothing bad. In any friendship, both sides must have their weight. But I quite agree that as the Chirac government still sees this, it starts from an anti-American point of view.

On the notion that the European Union might someday be a United States of Europe:
A lot of people say they are against it. But if you are against the United States of Europe, does that mean that you are in favor of the Disunited States of Europe? In any case, there is an extremely interesting speech which Monnet made in the '60s in London in which he said: what I fear is that people will think that we are constructing a new power, a new conventional power.

That's not the case, what we are trying to do is something quite different, to create a structure in which people do not say "that is your responsibility and this is mine," but take common responsibility. We don't put you on one side of a table and the other on the other side to negotiate. We put you at a round table, and in the middle of that table is the problem, and we are going to try to solve it together….

I know that, physically, I am not a young man, but I still continue thinking. What amuses me and gives me very much hope is that I have seen so many crises?-and seen so many crises overcome?-that I am absolutely certain that this process will go on … The show will go on, I'm sure.


© 2005 Newsweek, Inc.
Source
0 Replies
 
cicerone imposter
 
  1  
Thu 2 Jun, 2005 03:32 pm
rjb, Good post; it includes your personal opinion about the outcome of the EU. Your opinion about the 'high' value of the Euro is spot on, but the Euro countries are suffering from more than just their exchange rate. Their (the big 3) social programs are costing their governments an arm and a leg, and it's a matter of time before something is gonna go BANG! Class warfare not only within each country, but withing the EU itself - country against country. At least, that's my take on this whole mess. It'll be interesting to see how all this plays out in the near and not-so-near future.
0 Replies
 
georgeob1
 
  1  
Thu 2 Jun, 2005 03:57 pm
I agree with most of realjohnboy's analysis, except his final conclusion.

I do not believe the EU and the collective desire of the European states for unity under some form of rule by law that will preclude wars and promote greater freedom of movement and commerce throughout much of the continent is dead at all. Certainly this has been a serious setback for the current generation of leaders and for the process immediately underway, but I doubt seriously that the larger goal of European unity is badly injured.

I do agree that, in the areas of social welfare programs and other basic competitive processes of life, Europe is beset by a general placing of "private wants above public needs". The generation of Europeans now approaching retirement grew up in the aftermath of the destruction of WWII. They emerged from that to create a sustained period of rapid growth and social development that has few equals in history. During the Cold War a feeling of detachment from the struggles of the contending powers grew slowly and imperceptibly. Perhaps a result of all this is a pervasive desire to insulate Europe from the struggles of an unruly world, even in the face of the serious economic and demographic contradictions that now face them. Western European states cannot long maintain the expensive social welfare systems they now enjoy, and the new member states in Eastern Europe cannot attain their longed for economic growth without exporting competition to the West.

However, Europe must face these challenges with or without a European Union. There is no option to avoid them, and I believe that when that fact is accepted there may follow a general realization that the issues can be far better dealt with as a Union than as individual states. Certainly the previous collective attainment of equivalent goals resides in the living memory of Europeans today. They can do it again if they choose to do so.

I wonder if Maggie Thatcher has any relatives in France?
0 Replies
 
Walter Hinteler
 
  1  
Fri 3 Jun, 2005 12:40 am
Quote:
Crisis talks as treaty nears collapse

· Schröder says ratification must continue
· EU leaders express doubts
· Straw plans to freeze referendum


Nicholas Watt in Brussels, Luke Harding in Berlin and Michael White
Friday June 3, 2005
The Guardian

European leaders were last night inching towards accepting that the EU constitution has been all but killed off by the double rejection of French and Dutch voters.
A series of emergency talks was launched by key figures in the EU establishment amid divisions over whether the ratification process should continue.

Jean-Claude Juncker, the Luxembourg prime minister who holds the rotating EU presidency and who was said to have been on the verge of tears when he heard news of the Dutch vote, summoned Gerhard Schröder for emergency talks. As the German chancellor travelled to the Grand Duchy, the Elysée Palace announced that Jacques Chirac would fly to Berlin tomorrow to discuss the crisis.

Such stalwarts of Old Europe, who issued bleak statements on Wednesday night after 61% of Dutch voters said no to the constitution, are still insisting in public that ratification must continue.
As he prepared to fly home, Mr Schröder tried to calm the atmosphere: "Ratification must continue. We must decide what to do at the end of that process. Every form of overreaction at this stage is wrong."

But the first cracks in this front appeared yesterday when Jose Manuel Barroso, the European commission president, pointedly refrained from calling for ratification to continue. "We're in a period of reflection," he said.

His officials went even further in private as they expressed sympathy with Britain, which wants to postpone its referendum. "A pause is very realistic, we have to recognise the realities," one official said.

Britain will underline the depth of the crisis on Monday when Jack Straw, the foreign secretary, announces that the government is to put on hold legislation needed before a British referendum. With a wounded French president in no mood to give Britain an easy ride, Mr Straw will use sensitive language.

In his statement to MPs he will probably avoid the word "suspend" when discussing the bill, which has already been introduced and would otherwise have received its Commons second reading within weeks. He will certainly not "withdraw" it.

His exact language is still under discussion between the Foreign Office and No 10, where enthusiasm for a yes vote was always stronger than the once-Eurosceptic Mr Straw's.

Ministers want to tread carefully because they do not want to weaken the position of Britain and other countries from New Europe when European leaders discuss the crisis at a Brussels summit on June 16. Tony Blair is expected to ask Mr Chirac and Jan Peter Balkenende, the Dutch prime minister, whether they intend to put the constitution to a second vote - the only chance of reviving the measure.

British sources believe the two leaders will eventually have to say no, guaranteeing the death of the treaty and no need for a referendum in Britain.

But this could take months, leaving Britain to handle the crisis when it assumes the EU presidency on July 1. Many officials, who are determined to take a firm grip on the crisis, fear little progress by Christmas, when the next summit occurs.

Mr Blair, who is on holiday in Tuscany, yesterday spoke to his Dutch counterpart, who later made clear that he is unlikely to try to reverse his country's no vote. "We have to listen seriously to the feelings of the Dutch people and - while recognising that we don't oppose Europe - accept that there are doubts about the entire process," Mr Balkenende said.

Britain will welcome his remarks, but ministers know they will face a tough time at the European summit, not least because Mr Chirac believes that the so-called Anglo-Saxon economic model is largely to blame for the no vote. Fears that Mr Chirac may try to create an EU "inner core" were fuelled yesterday by the announcement of his Berlin trip.

The EU's two heavyweights will be keen to agree a common position ahead of the summit in Brussels and before Britain takes over the EU presidency. "I am convinced that we need the constitution if we want a democratic, social-minded and strong Europe," Mr Schröder said.

His remarks show that some leaders may try to retrieve parts of the constitution, even if it is pronounced dead. But Britain's Europe minister, Douglas Alexander, rejected suggestions that parts of the treaty - such as a full-time president - could be implemented.

"That denies the reality that this was extremely hard fought over by the 25 members all seeking to advance their national interest," said Mr Alexander as the no campaign insisted that ministers go ahead with the referendum next year precisely in order to stop it being introduced piecemeal instead.

The former Labour leader and EU commissioner, Lord Kinnock, put it more bluntly. "There is no point in having a pretend vote on a pretend treaty," he said.

Source
0 Replies
 
nimh
 
  1  
Fri 3 Jun, 2005 03:56 am
Thomas wrote:
That's true, it isn't democratic at all. But reality is not subject to majority vote. The Tennessee state congress discovered this 100 years ago when it passed a law defining the numerical value of pi to be 3. And legislatures all over Europe are discovering it now

I dont think the economic recipes George is proposing are quite the matter of mathematical law you're trying to make them out to be, Thomas...

ni (I remember the last time a strand of ideologues passed their economic theories off for nothing much less than historical law and scientific fact) mh
0 Replies
 
nimh
 
  1  
Fri 3 Jun, 2005 04:00 am
Spotted in Le Monde: forget about such oldfashioned creatures as socialists, communists, reformists and Trotskyites; the battle in the Parti Socialiste is now between "ouists" and "nonistes"
0 Replies
 
georgeob1
 
  1  
Fri 3 Jun, 2005 05:32 am
nimh wrote:
I dont think the economic recipes George is proposing aren't quite the matter of mathematical law you're trying to make them out to be, Thomas...

ni (I remember the last time a strand of ideologues passed their economic theories off for nothing much less than historical law and scientific fact) mh


Marx & Lenin proclaimed that the governing political and social dynamic in the world was a class struggle and that capitalism and private ownership of "the means of production" would collapse as a result of its own internal contradictions - all in accord with a unique understanding of history and its supposed laws which they alone posessed. History has proven them wrong on all counts. I don't think it fair at all to compare this with the simple observation that the social welfare systems and highly regulated labor markets of France, Germany, and other Western European countries cannot be long sustained in the face of the chronic high unemployment, low economic growth, and demographic decline now before them. There is no claim of a novel objective theory of history in this conclusion - just observable, verifiable facts that have already been encountered and successfully dealt with by other countries. Even Chancellor Schroeder has recognized that and begun some half-hearted attempts at reform.

If, as inferred in the article provided by Walter above, Chirac succeeds in persuading the body politic that the defeat of the constitution was a result of the insidious intrusion of Anglo Saxon concepts of brutal competition and implied assaults on a superior French (presumably) concept of social perfection, then he will have done the people of France and of Europe as well a great disservice. This will only deepen the crisis, delay constructive action, and increase the tensions between East and West in Europe.

I believe there is an interesting comparison to be made between this reaction of Chirac (and perhaps the French) to the challenges of EU expansion, and that that of Kohl and Germany at the collapse of the GDR. By comparison the Germans were quite heroic in their readiness to share the economic burdens of lifting the decrepit product of socialism in the GDR out of the seedy torpor into which it had slipped. Unfortunately Germany appears to have become a bit infected with the Socialist disease itself, however again they have begun to deal with its ill effects. Chirac, on the contrary, demands special privilege and protection for France, while he ignores challenges before him that he must face - with or without a European Union.
0 Replies
 
 

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