The long NYT report on Bulgaria below is already three months old, but I'm sure as relevant now as it was then (I bookmarked it at the time and only now came round to reading it.
The opening is a tad on the sensationalist side, but then there's no shortage of fodder. The country is deep in the grip of organised crime and corruption, which are pervasive in both politics and day-to-day life.
There's never been a shortage of corruption in postcommunist Bulgaria. But I have to admit that the current socialist government seems the worst since the apocalyptic days when the socialists last held power, when the way they used their offices to rob the country dry brought it to the brink of collapse in 1995-1997.
Eastern Europe can be lovely like that, with nationalist conservatives facing off against "socialists" who are basically communists-turned-crooks - see also: Romania, Albania, Lithuania, Georgia ...
Shorter and somewhat reorganized version:
Quote:Politics is played to the death in Bulgaria, where the lives of politicians can be as cheap as spent bullets and murky business groups wage a murderous struggle for their cut of everything from real estate deals to millions in European aid.
Last year, a mayor of a resort town and the wealthy City Council chairman of Nesebur were shot, the home of the chairwoman of a municipal electoral committee was set on fire, and the garages of mayors were firebombed. "Other countries have the mafia," said Atanas Atanasov, an MP and former counterintelligence chief. "In Bulgaria, the mafia has the country."
Questionable business networks have moved from black markets for smuggled cigarettes and alcohol to legal investments in booming real estate. The nation’s homegrown mobs of men in black " the “mutri,” or mugs " control construction projects in city halls.
EU membership has done little to tame the criminal networks; it has arguably only made them richer. Once Bulgaria’s shady businessmen realized how much EU money was at stake, they moved from buying off politicians to muscling into public office themselves.
When necessary, they buy votes, which can be traded or sold for up to 100 leva, or $69. People document their votes by taking pictures of their ballots with their cellphone cameras, according to Iva Pushkarova, executive director of the Bulgarian Judges Association.
Ties to Top Officials
This summer, European officials froze $670 million in financing, alarmed at freewheeling white-collar criminals with links to the very highest reaches of power. Interior minister Rumen Petkov resigned a few months ago amid revelations that he had met organized crime figures.
EU antifraud investigators are focusing on the Nikolov-Stoykov group, a sprawling conglomerate of companies with interests from meat processing and cold storage to scrap metal and a Black Sea resort. In an unusually blunt report leaked this summer, they accused the group of being a front for a “criminal company network composed of more than 50 Bulgarian enterprises and various other European and offshore companies.”
Among the investigators’ accusations were tax and subsidy fraud: taking development aid to buy new equipment for companies and then passing off ancient equipment from the former East Germany and pocketing the difference. The companies were also accused of illegally importing huge quantities of Chinese rabbit meat for export to France and Germany with fake health certificates from Argentina.
The group’s leading partners - both briefly detained last year - boast top connections. Ludmil Stoykov helped finance the campaign of President Parvanov and organized a business group supporting him. Mario Nikolov, who is scheduled to stand trial next week on fraud charges, steered more than $137,000 to PM Stanishev’s Socialists.
A five-minute video obtained from Sofia’s mayor shows Stanishev meeting Nikolov at his meat factory in 2005, inspecting equipment and a table laden with goose liver sausages before sitting down to lunch with white wine; a few weeks later, according to deposit slips handed to prosecutors by the mayor, contributions to Mr. Stanishev’s party started to flow.
Origins of Crime
Bulgaria’s gray economy is looped around disparate politically connected companies that shift in and out of business as opportunities and legal obstacles arise. Profits from sources like cigarette or alcohol smuggling are plowed into legal front companies, like soccer clubs, where money can be laundered through huge fees paid for transfers of players.
The competition is brutal: all three past chairmen of the soccer club Lokomotiv Plovdiv have been killed, one by a sniper by the Black Sea. In the past five years, Bulgaria has weathered machine gun assassinations and inventive daylight attacks. Hitmen disguised themselves as drunks and Orthodox priests. The toll now tops more than 125 contract killings since 1993. Most of the killings are unsolved.
The roots of this organized crime date to the collapse of Communism in the early 1990s. Thousands of secret agents and athletes, including wrestlers once supported and coddled by the state, were cast onto the street. During the UN embargo of Serbia in the 1990s, they seized smuggling opportunities and solidified their networks. The wrestlers developed private security forces that were little more than shakedown protection rackets.
As in Russia and some other Balkan nations, corruption has seeped into the fabric of life. In Sofia, men nicknamed “thick necks” linger in nightclubs or keep watch over Mercedes jeeps and Audis outside. (Tip from the guidebooks: Avoid restaurants that draw businessmen with four or more bodyguards.)
The city has a thriving black market for blood outside hospitals, where patients’ families haggle over purchases with dealers. The impact is particularly stark in the legal system, where some people without political connections have resorted to hiring decoy lawyers, for fear that their legal documents would vanish if presented to particular clerks by lawyers recognized as working for them.
Impatience in the West
Among Western nations, impatience is growing, particularly at the lack of trials of high-level government officials accused of corruption. Dutch minister for European affairs Frans Timmermans said, “What we need to see is real people put before real judges, convicted and put in jail.”
Some European countries have simply given up on Bulgarian justice. Germany complained of getting little local help in its effort to prosecute Konstantin Hadjivanov, a wealthy businessman and a member of the City Council in Petrich, Bulgaria, who is known as “the Kitty.”
So the Germans waited until he had stepped into Greece to serve their warrant. Now he sits in a jail cell on cigarette smuggling charges while facing another fraud inquiry. But it is only a matter of time before he returns home to resume his political career, say his supporters and wife, a former Mrs. Bulgaria.
However, when Hadjivanov gamely ran for re-election from his Greek jail cell in city elections on Saturday, voters finally rebelled: He won less than 1 percent of Petrich’s vote.