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A Battle for the Middle Ground; The Sanity of the Center

 
 
Reply Thu 3 Apr, 2003 08:05 am
http://www.latimes.com/news/printedition/opinion/la-war-
oebalzar26mar26,1,635015.column

A Battle for the Middle Ground
The "sanity of the center" provided by the thoughtful must eventually prevail over extremism.
John Balzar - March 26, 2003 - Los Angeles Times

Years ago, I worked for an editor who ribbed me about having been a Marine Corps sergeant in Vietnam, a rarity in any newsroom. "The Marines," he said with a roll of his eyes. "They are the madness on the periphery that protects the sanity of the center."

The remark is on my mind again now, because I'm not so sure the U.S. Marines represent the wild-eyed periphery these days.

Speaking in terms of culture, not advocation, I find myself wondering about the center and its place in society. A large share of American political energy has taken flight. From a shared sense of direction, people have dispersed to the self-righteous poles.

It took two presidents and several bloody, unhappy years of Vietnam before 100,000-plus people demonstrated in the streets for an end to the fighting, or before officers were fragged in their tents in the field. This time, we've witnessed both in the opening hours of war.

It took a long time back then before our debates grew so hardened that we turned on the enemy among us -- the messenger, the news media. This time, 30 minutes after the opening salvo on Baghdad I received the first scorching e-mail about a gullible press misleading a gullible public -- as if the ability to synthesize random information was a gift accorded only those with a point of view.

What once required years to learn has now come home in days: the limits and political ricochets of firepower.

This is the first U.S. military action that I've covered from home terrain, so it could be that I'm mistaking a case of Information Age jitters for something more disturbing. But, still, the only newsmakers who have my empathy without reservation are the young troops, the third-generation working-class military men, the immigrants, the new breed of warrior women, the West Pointers and the other volunteers who have been handed an awful task -- and seem to be conducting themselves with a steadier hand than many of those grabbing headlines and seeking glory back home.

The war protesters who plunge confrontationally into police lines with their practiced V-formations in the name of peace? Those who spit into the lens of a camera? The counter-protesters who spray-paint the epithet "scum" on the garage door of an immigrant from France? Who gather up CDs from the Dixie Chicks and crush them under a tractor while waving American flags?

Count me out of those TV antics.

As for what Richard Nixon used to call the "silent majority"? Few people from my generation will accept that mindless label, and they shouldn't have to.

I believe, and my e-mails and phone calls support me, that a good many thoughtful Americans aren't clamoring or ducking, either one. They're searching. They're skeptical of those who lack skepticism. They're equally skeptical of those who are skeptical of everything except skepticism itself.

James, a Vietnam veteran in Los Angeles, put it this way: "The ground pounders over there are part of me. I don't want my soldiers to lose, but at the same time, I would like to find a way that George Bush doesn't get to profit from this in any way, shape or form."

Michael, a child of the '60s and rabid anti-Vietnam protester in Pennsylvania, confesses: "I find myself in the uncomfortable position of not approving of this war but feeling the need to support our country.... I've been wrangling with this for weeks and weeks to the point of obsession."

In Michigan, Larry asks: "How can we separate the policy from those who are called upon to enforce the policy?"

Searchers don't make headlines. But they make sense. The riptides of global ferment are pulling at the ankles of all of us, even those who think they possess high moral ground or future-vision goggles.

The Marines and the other troops in the field will determine the outcome of this battle. Either that, or it will be decided by the clock and public will. When that job is finished, we have to count on the sanity of the center. Or we'll find ourselves, all of us, embedded in conflict at home, if nowhere else.

It's not war but peace that is the invention of civilization.
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BumbleBeeBoogie
 
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Reply Thu 3 Apr, 2003 08:11 am
Good Idea Whose Time is Tomorrow: No Blood for Oil
http://www.latimes.com/news/printedition/opinion/la-war-oebalzar2apr02,1,2667809.story

Good Idea Whose Time Is Tomorrow
"No blood for oil" is a worthy goal, but it should be shelved for the war's duration.
John Balzar - April 2, 2003 - Los Angeles Times

The generals and war planners in Washington aren't alone in adjusting battlefield strategy. Leaders of the antiwar movement in the U.S. are too, and seemingly with some success. I say, bravo.

This new approach, let's call it "tempered realism," by activists and protesters and idealists just might accomplish a goal about which there should be no argument: a future without "blood for oil."

I sided against the status quo of the Middle East and with U.S. troops once they were committed to combat in this war. And, yes, that meant siding with those who command them. This has put distance between me and some of the progressives I usually feel kinship with at home. Now, though, I can add an important, "but .... "

I continue to believe that in the death-struggle of war, one cannot "support the troops" while at the same time encouraging their foe. And surely it is apparent by now that Saddam Hussein's government is encouraged by any sign that it might break the will of those who oppose it. Would the world be better off, really, if the U.S. pulled back and Hussein became the towering hero of Arabs?

But beyond this war, or this moment in the war, the U.S. stands at a crossroads.

You don't have to be a war protester to understand that oil is at the root of this conflict. The U.S. didn't set out to rid the world of a tyrant. No, we sided with Hussein when he battled the fundamentalists in Iran, didn't we? Are we up in arms because he gassed the Kurds? Well, what took so long and why were we eager to do business with him in the intervening years? Would the U.S. have mobilized in 1991 to expel the Republican Guards if they had invaded, say, Sierra Leone? Doubtful.

Oil set in motion the 1991 Gulf War, and the momentum from that propelled the U.S. into this one.

It is a sobering realization for a nation with an unquenchable appetite for imported energy. And it gets eerier if we peer into the future in light of the recent past. Consider the numbers: In 1973, the U.S. imported 35% of its oil from abroad, and only 5% from the Persian Gulf. That year the Arab nations imposed a five-month embargo on oil exports to the U.S., sending the economy reeling and undermining our national sense of security. We resolved to do something about it, but of course we didn't stick with it.

By 1990, when Iraq invaded and occupied Kuwait, U.S. reliance on foreign oil had grown to 42% of our needs, with 12% coming from the Persian Gulf.

Today, the U.S. imports 53% of its petroleum. By 2020, the U.S. Energy Information Administration estimates that dependence will reach 64%.

"No blood for oil"? The future should alarm us all.

That's why the new tempered realism by war protesters, or at least some of them, is so welcome. Our growing thirst for oil plus our dependence on uncertain supplies -- and all that this means in a turbulent world -- is a message that should not get marginalized or, worse, stigmatized.

In the opening few days of this war, the disruptive tactics and scattershot complaints of protest zealots and anarchists risked accomplishing that very thing. Good ideas, after all, rise or fall with the leaders who embrace them. Jimmy Carter's humanitarian approach to foreign policy, for instance, succumbed to his bad luck in confronting Iran. A generation ago, Jerry Brown, the former governor of California, led the nation in rethinking our energy future -- right up to the moment when he became perceived as flaky, and then energy alternatives became flaky too.

Mindful of this danger, it appears that the leadership of the antiwar movement is now being claimed by steadier hands and more constructive thinkers. Maybe we should call it an emerging peace movement. Increasingly, protesters are being exhorted to woo, not alienate, mainstream Americans. Instead of "shutting America down" with civil disobedience, leaders say they "will have to educate as well as demonstrate."

"A prophetic minority can become a progressive majority, if we do our work," says Tom Hayden, the Vietnam-era protest leader who is back in the thick of it.

For my thinking, there still is far too much tunnel vision in the antiwar movement, too much delight at the American battlefield struggles, too much excuse-making for the atrocities of Hussein and his radical followers, too much backlash against George W. Bush without regard for the consequences of a U.S. pullback.

But, ah yes, but: Peace is another word for security. And the U.S. is unlikely to hang on to security for long unless we face up to our happy-go-lucky gluttony for essential oil that we do not possess. The Bush administration has made clear that it will not challenge the habits of consumption. In fact, during the first week of this war, the administration was reportedly at work on new gas mileage regulations to encourage the production of heavier cars -- an amazingly wrongheaded approach.

Those who believe strongest in our need to conserve and pursue energy alternatives have taken to the streets. I disagree with them at this moment -- but not tomorrow, not when it comes to avoiding the next war before it starts.
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