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INC supplied defectors; sources of questionable pre-war info

 
 
Reply Sat 3 Apr, 2004 05:32 pm
Posted on Sat, Apr. 03, 2004

INC supplied defectors who were sources of questionable pre-war information, officials say

By Jonathan S. Landay and Drew Brown
Knight Ridder Newspapers

WASHINGTON - The Iraqi National Congress, a U.S.-funded group of former Iraqi exiles, supplied the four defectors whose claims that Saddam Hussein had mobile biological warfare facilities now are being questioned by Secretary of State Colin Powell.

One of the defectors was code-named Curveball, senior U.S. officials said, and Curveball was the brother of a top lieutenant to Ahmed Chalabi, the group's leader and now a member of the Iraqi Governing Council. U.S. intelligence officials never directly questioned Curveball before the war, they said.

A second defector was determined to be a fabricator, but his claims still found their way into the Bush administration's case for war, according to U.S. officials.

"The other two (defectors) were not as significant," said a senior U.S. official, who like all of those who spoke requested anonymity because the matter remains classified. "Their information appeared corroborative of the overall thing."

Powell's questioning of the defectors' claims puts added pressure on a bipartisan commission named by President Bush in February to examine the quality and use of pre-war intelligence that Saddam had secret stockpiles of chemical and biological weapons and was developing nuclear weapons in violation of a U.N. ban.

U.S.-led occupation troops and arms inspectors who have been scouring the country have to date found no biologic weapons stockpiles or evidence that Iraq had an active nuclear weapons program. Two truck trailers matching the description of the alleged biowarfare vehicles were turned over to U.S. troops, but their purpose remains in dispute.

Powell charged in a Feb. 5, 2003, speech to the U.N. Security Council that Iraq had mobile biological warfare production and research facilities. At the time, he was seeking a U.N. resolution backing a U.S.-led invasion.

He dramatized his contention by displaying a drawing of a mobile production facility that he said was based on an eyewitness account.

Returning from a visit to Germany and Belgium, Powell on Friday acknowledged that the information that underpinned the charge, which he called "the most dramatic" part of his U.N. presentation, is now in doubt.

"It appears not to be the case, that it (the defectors' information) was that solid," he said aboard his aircraft. "The commission that is going to be starting its work soon, I hope will look into these matters to see whether or not the intelligence agency had a basis for the confidence that they placed in the intelligence at that time."

"If the sources fell apart, then we need to find out how we've gotten ourselves in that position," he said. "I've had discussions with the CIA about it."

Senior U.S. officials said it was not the CIA but the Defense Intelligence Agency, the top U.S. military intelligence organization, which was responsible for analyzing and corroborating the defectors' information.

The DIA received the defectors' claims through its Information Collection Program, a multi-million dollar effort to gather intelligence inside Iraq run by the Iraqi National Congress and funded by U.S. taxpayers.


Most of the material supplied by the INC-provided defectors has been determined by U.S. intelligence officials to have been marginal at best, and some of it exaggerated or bogus.

Chalabi has defended the effort, saying his group did its best to verify the reliability of defectors before passing them on to U.S. intelligence officials.

Curveball stood out as the best placed of the four INC-supplied defectors whose tales formed the basis for the allegation that Iraq had mobile biological weapons facilities.

Claiming to be a chemical engineer, he said that he'd helped design and build such facilities disguised as trucks and railway cars, said the senior U.S. official.

Curveball told his story to German intelligence, which relayed it to the DIA. U.S. military intelligence officers never questioned the defector directly before the war, said the senior U.S. official.

"Curveball was the main pillar of the report," he said.

The defector was eventually determined to be a brother of a top aide to Chalabi, who lobbied for years in Washington for a U.S.-led ouster of Saddam and forged close ties to pro-invasion hawks in the Pentagon and Vice President Cheney's office.

The defector declared to have been a fabricator was a former Iraqi military officer. He and the two others were debriefed by the DIA, said the senior U.S. official.

A DIA spokesman did not return a telephone call for comment.
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BumbleBeeBoogie
 
  1  
Reply Sat 3 Apr, 2004 05:38 pm
Excerpt from DIA study re Iraq's chemical weapons program
http://www.iraqwatch.org/government/US/Pentagon/us-dod-iraqchemreport-060703.htm

EXCERPT FROM A DEFENSE INTELLIGENCE AGENCY
STUDY ON IRAQ'S CHEMICAL WEAPONS PROGRAM
U.S. DEFENSE DEPARTMENT
June 13, 2003

A substantial amount of Iraq's chemical warfare agents, precursors, munitions, and production equipment were destroyed between 1991 and 1998 as a result of Operation Desert Storm and UNSCOM (United Nations Special Commission) actions. Nevertheless, we believe Iraq retained production equipment, expertise and chemical precursors and can reconstitute a chemical warfare program in the absence of an international inspection regime. Iraq's successful use of chemical weapons in the past against Iranian troops and Kurdish civilians increases the likelihood of a chemical warfare reconstitution. Iraq has not signed the Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC).

There is no reliable information on whether Iraq is producing and stockpiling chemical weapons, or where Iraq has -- or will -- establish its chemical warfare agent production facilities. Unusual munitions transfer activity in mid-2002 suggests that Iraq is distributing CW munitions in preparation for an anticipated U.S. attack. Iraq retains all the chemicals and equipment to produce the blister agent mustard but its ability for sustained production of G-series nerve agents and VX is constrained by its stockpile of key chemical precursors and by the destruction of all known CW production facilities during Operation Desert Storm and during subsequent UNSCOM inspections. In the absence of external aid, Iraq will likely experience difficulties in producing nerve agents at the rate executed before Operation Desert Storm.

Iraq is steadily establishing a dual use industrial chemical infrastructure that provides some of the building blocks necessary for production of chemical agents. In addition, Iraq has renovated and added production lines at two facilities formerly associated with Baghdad's chemical warfare program -- Habbaniyah I and Habbaniyah II. Activities include building reconstruction, salvage operations, and equipment movement and deliveries in the months that followed the 1998 expulsion of United Nations inspectors. Baghdad is rebuilding portions of its chemical production infrastructure under the guise of a civilian need for pesticides, chlorine, and other legitimate chemical products, giving Iraq the potential for a small "breakout" production capability.

Although we lack any direction information, Iraq probably possesses CW agent in chemical munitions, possibly including artillery rockets, artillery shells, aerial bombs, and ballistic missile warheads. Baghdad also probably possesses bulk chemical stockpiles, primarily containing precursors, but that also could consist of some mustard agent or stabilized VX.

Iraqi doctrine for the use of chemical weapons evolved during the Iran-Iraq war, and was fully incorporated into Iraqi offensive operations by the end of the war in 1988. Iraq demonstrated its ability to use chemical weapons during that conflict in the following roles: in a defensive role to disrupt or halt an overwhelming enemy offensive; as a preemptive weapon to disrupt staging areas before an offensive attack; and as an offensive weapon during well-staged attacks to regain territory. Authority for use of chemical weapons during that war eventually became delegated to corps commanders. The Iraqis delivered chemical agents with artillery, multiple rocket launchers, mortars, and aerial bombs dropped by fixed-wing aircraft and helicopters. Iraq also used chemical agents against Kurdish civilians in 1988. Historical precedent suggests Saddam already may have deployed chemical weapons to western Iraq, as he did during Operation Desert Storm to be used against Israel in the event of coalition military action that threatens the regime.

Iraq will develop various elements of its chemical industry to achieve self-sufficiency in producing the chemical precursors required for CW agent production. Iraq might construct a new dedicated CW facility or facilities at remote sites to avoid detection or, alternatively, upgrade the production capabilities at its Habbaniyah I and II facilities to produce the agent mustard and binary components necessary for the production of nerve agents.
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BumbleBeeBoogie
 
  1  
Reply Sat 3 Apr, 2004 05:45 pm
The decisions, policies and intelligence behind the Iraq War
Posted on Wed, Oct. 29, 2003
Knight-Ridder News Service

The decisions, policies and intelligence behind the Iraq War

• Iraqi exile group fed false information to news media, 3/15/04

• White House responds to Knight Ridder article, 3/12/04

• CIA director disputes Cheney assertions on Iraq, 3/9/04

• Doubts cast on efforts to link Saddam, al-Qaida, 3/2/04

• Iraqi National Congress faces growing number of investigations, 2/27/04

• Rumsfeld advisor who vocally endorsed Saddam's ouster resigns, 2/25/04

• Officials: U.S. still paying millions to group that provided false Iraqi intelligence, 2/21/04

• Most pre-war information from Iraqi defectors was iffy, officials say, 2/13/04

• Panel to probe whether officials exaggerated prewar intelligence, 2/12/04

• Doubts, dissent stripped from public version of Iraq assessment, 2/9/04

• What went wrong with Iraq intelligence? 2/6/04

• Intelligence officials warned that Iraq WMD information was iffy, 2/6/04

• Knight Ridder journalists honored for stories on war planning, 2/4/04

• Iraq intelligence efforts led by Cheney magnified errors, officials say, 2/2/04

• More Iraqis supporting resistance, CIA report says, 11/11/03

• Saddam wanted secret negotiations with U.S., officials say, 11/5/03

• CIA investigated tip on WMD from previously discredited source, 10/14/03

• Questions, criticism surround information that led to start of war, 7/18/03

• No real planning for postwar Iraq, 7/11/03

• Bush administration pushed for proof linking Saddam, al-Qaida, 7/3/03

• Internal review backs CIA on Iraq, but notes lack of details, 7/2/03

• U. N. committee finds no connection between Iraq, al-Qaida, 6/26/03

• White House was warned of dubious intelligence used in speech, official says, 6/12/03

• Bush, Aides made some prewar claims they couldn't back up, documents say, 6/6/03

• Failure to find weapons in Iraq leads to intelligence scrutiny6/2/03

• Troubling questions over justification for war in Iraq, 5/31/03

• Bush Administration scoffs at Iraq's weapons report, 12/20/02

• Infighting among U.S. intelligence agencies fuels dispute over Iraq, 10/27/02

• Some in Bush administration have misgivings about Iraq policy, 10/8/02

• CIA report reveals analysts' split over extent of Iraqi nuclear threat, 10/4/02

• Lack of hard evidence of Iraqi weapons worries top U.S. officials, 9/6/02
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