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Sun 2 Nov, 2003 09:46 am
November 2, 2003 - New York Times
The End of the West?
By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN
Well, the numbers are in and the numbers don't lie. At the Madrid aid conference, Saudi Arabia pledged $1 billion in new loans and credits for Iraq ?- and Germany and France pledged 0 new dollars. Add it all up and the bottom line becomes clear: Saudi Arabia actually cares more about nurturing democracy in Iraq than Germany and France.
Ah, you say, but that's unfair. Germany and France opposed the war, so why should they pay anything more than their share of the paltry E.U. contribution? Actually, it's not unfair, when you remember that before the war France and Germany were obsessed with the lifting of U.N. sanctions on Saddam's regime ?- in the name of easing the suffering of the Iraqi people.
Well, the U.S. has removed the whole Saddam regime, which was the real source of suffering for the Iraqi people, and yet that seems to be worth nothing to Germany and France. So there we have it: Pretending to ease the suffering of the Iraqi people ?- by calling for the removal of sanctions but keeping Saddam in power so he can buy lots of stuff from Germany and France ?- is priceless to them. But easing the suffering of the Iraqi people by removing Saddam's whole sick regime is worthless to them.
Ah, you say, but that's unfair. The leaders of France and Germany have a principled position. They honestly believe that democracy is not possible in Iraq or anywhere in the Arab world ?- and trying to deliver it will just make things worse. Now, that's an honest argument worthy of debate. But they never say that out loud ?- they simply complain at the U.N. that America has not transferred sovereignty to the Iraqi people more quickly. If their real concern was empowering Iraqis to run their own lives, wouldn't they be in there helping Iraqis get their act together faster?
What I'm getting at here is that when you find yourself in an argument with Europeans over Iraq, they try to present it as if we both want the same thing, but we just have different approaches. And had the Bush team not been so dishonest and unilateral, we could have worked together. I wish the Bush team had behaved differently, but that would not have been a cure-all ?- because if you look under the European position you see we have two different visions, not just tactical differences. Many Europeans really do believe that a dominant America is more threatening to global stability than Saddam's tyranny.
The more I hear this, the more I wonder whether we are witnessing something much larger than a passing storm over Iraq. Are we witnessing the beginning of the end of "the West" as we have known it ?- a coalition of U.S.-led, like-minded allies, bound by core shared values and strategic threats?
I am not alone in thinking this. Carl Bildt, the former Swedish prime minister, noted to me in Brussels the other day that for a generation Americans and Europeans shared the same date: 1945. A whole trans-Atlantic alliance flowed from that postwar shared commitment to democratic government, free markets and the necessity of deterring the Soviet Union. America saw the strength of Europe as part of its own front line and vice versa ?- and this bond "made the resolution of all other issues both necessary and possible," said Mr. Bildt.
Today, however, we are motivated by different dates. "Our defining date is now 1989 and yours is 2001," said Mr. Bildt. Every European prime minister wakes up in the morning thinking about how to share sovereignty, as Europe takes advantage of the collapse of communism to consolidate economically, politically and militarily into one big family. And the U.S. president wakes up thinking about where the next terror attack might come from and how to respond ?- most likely alone. "While we talk of peace, they talk of security," says Mr. Bildt. "While we talk of sharing sovereignty, they talk about exercising sovereign power. When we talk about a region, they talk about the world. No longer united primarily by a common threat, we have also failed to develop a common vision for where we want to go on many of the global issues confronting us."
Just as we once had U.S.-Soviet summits to ease the tensions of the cold war, maybe it's time for a U.S.-French-German summit to ease the tensions of the post-cold war. Leaders of all three nations have behaved badly and have weakened the West, even if they have not ended it. It's time to chart a new Atlantic alliance, but not one that is based on nostalgia for 1945 ?- one that really bridges the differences between 1989 and 2001.
Yeh! BBB,
So whata' think?
I am working on an opinion myself, What's yours?
JM
James Morrison
James Morrison, I respect Tom Friedman's Middle East expertise and often agree with his visions of the future and his pragmatic method to reach it. I think he often asks people to show more sense than they are capable of doing.
I agree with his proposal that NATO take over managing IRAQ as a military and political pragmatic solution.
BBB
I think that Thomas makes things easy for himself by playing the devil's advocate to his position. I allege a conflict of interest. ;-)
Perhaps the "principled position" he mentions is to not contribute to a nation's unprovoked invasion of another nation.
It'd be nice if any money were an outright donation to the Iraqi people, but it's not. It's to underwrite America's invasion of another nation. An invasion that they disagreed with.
America has some gall to expect to be able to invade nations against the will of the world community and then pass a hat around to get them to help pay for it.
Thomas has some gall in expecting opponents of unprovoked invasion whose sole legal criteria (security) has turned out to be a myth to help pay for an action they were constitutionally opposed to.
America has some gall in refusing to pay for what it initiated against the advice and will of the global community.
If we had integrity we would not loan and we would pay. Democrats and republicans alike have pissed me off by voting to be cheap about things after waging war.
This is not a US/Germany/France problem.
"Hey Adam, don't throw rocks at the window."
"Screw you Frankie and Gerard, I'm chucking this rock."
CRASH
"Hey Frankie and Gerard, wanna help pay for the window? I mean earlier you were arguing that it would be mean to break the old lady's window. If you are honest you would help my pay her for a new window."
Friedman, Brooks Peddle Bush Line
The Progressive Magazine
November 5, 2003
Editor Matthew Rothschild comments on the news of the day.
Friedman, Brooks Peddle Bush Line
Within the course of five days, The New York Times op-ed page has run two of its most ludicrous columns in years.
The first was by Thomas L. Friedman on October 30. Friedman, who has been all over the map on the Iraq War, now asserts that Bush has mounted a "radically liberal war." Though in previous columns he has distanced himself from the Bush Administration's rationales, in this one he simply parrots them.
"U.S. power is not being used in Iraq for oil, or imperialism, or to shore up a corrupt status quo, as it was in Vietnam and elsewhere in the Arab world," he asserts. "This is the most radical-liberal revolutionary war the U.S. has ever launched-a war of choice to install some democracy in the heart of the Arab-Muslim world."
From Wolfowitz's mouth to Friedman's computer.
Friedman provides no evidence for his assertion that the war is not about oil or imperialism.
Remember, the U.S. military secured the oil fields as one of the first orders of business and then guarded only the oil ministry after the fall of Baghdad. These actions sure suggested that the war had something to do with the control of oil. So, too, did Donald Rumsfeld's decision to turn off Iraq's oil spigot to Syria within a week of conquering Iraq. With oil came power, and Rumsfeld was eager to show it off.
And the vast privatization effort Paul Bremer is supervising, which includes selling off one sector after another of Iraq's economy and allowing foreign corporations to repatriate 100 percent of their profits, is a big clue that imperialism may actually be at play here.
Friedman also becomes a part of the Bush propaganda machine when he asserts that those fighting the United States are "a murderous band of Saddam loyalists and Al Qaeda nihilists."
While some of the resistance comes from these groups, many local Iraqis who aren't are joining the resistance who are neither Saddam hold-outs or followers of Bin Laden, according to Robert Fisk's reporting for the London Independent.
But Friedman does not allow that any sane human being could possibly resist the occupation.
Neither does his newest companion on the op-ed page, David Brooks. In his November 4 column, Brooks says that Saddam's old henchmen are behind everything. "They are the scum of the Earth," he writes. "And they are being joined in their lairs by the flotsam and jetsam of the terrorist world."
For Brooks, the United States faces "scum," "sadist bands," "murderers," "bands of mass murderers," "terrorists," "the face of evil," "killers."
Like every two-bit war propagandist, he tries to make those on the other side easier to kill.
Americans must inure ourselves to atrocities our soldiers will commit, he argues.
Here's the crucial passage: "History shows that Americans are willing to make sacrifices. The real doubts come when we see ourselves inflicting them. What will happen to the national mood when the news programs start broadcasting images of the brutal measures our own troops will have to adopt? Inevitably, there will be atrocities that will cause many good-hearted people to defect from the cause."
Bush can't allow that to happen, Brooks argues. The President must "remind us again and again that Iraq is the Battle of Midway."
There it is: Describe every person who resists the occupation as an animal, and then prepare the public for a My Lai or two by exaggerating the conflict at hand.
I can't recall reading a more chilling, immoral, and disreputable argument on the op-ed pages of The New York Times.
-- Matthew Rothschild
I've said it before; I'll say it again:
The NYT needs to retire this senile fool before he brings their credibility back down to the Jayson Blair level.