@Walter Hinteler,
Even the monarchy is not immune to Brexit. The king’s London home, Clarence House, will be closed to tourists this summer because of staff shortages in the royal household caused by Brexit and the pandemic.
Brexit staff shortages scupper plans to reopen Clarence House to the public
At the beginning of July, the UK will elect a new parliament. The British Chambers of Commerce are already formulating demands for the election winners.
One of the most important points: Trade with the EU must become less bureaucratic.
Businesses battered by Brexit urge Labour and Tories to slash EU tariffs
@Walter Hinteler,
Starmer needs to keep mum about Brexit for now.
We don't want a load of fascists complaining about attacks on Democracy.
Once the election is over I'm sure he'll take a more pragmatic, less ideological approach, but Brexit sank the Labour Party in 2019, and we want to avoid that.
Not really to my surprise (in the pre-elections days), the Labour leader rules out rejoining EU, single market or customs union.
Reopening Brexit debate would bring ‘turmoil’, says Keir StarmerQuote:Keir Starmer has ruled out rejoining the EU, single market or customs union and said reopening the Brexit debate would bring “turmoil”.
“We’re not rejoining the EU, we’re not rejoining the single market or the customs union,” the Labour leader told reporters on Saturday. “That isn’t our plan. It never has been. I’ve never said that as leader of the Labour party, and it’s not in our manifesto.”
Starmer was speaking at a campaign event in Vauxhall, south London, after Kemi Badenoch, the business secretary, claimed he would reverse Brexit if he won power.
Badenoch, who is seen as a likely Tory leadership contender, said Brexit was a 10- to 20-year project that a Labour government would put into reverse. She told the Telegraph: “They will take us back to square one. They’re just going to copy what the EU does.”
In response, Starmer said he had no intention of reopening the Brexit question because the 2016 referendum threw “politics into turmoil for three years” and “returning to that kind of uncertainty” would not help the country.
“I voted to remain. I campaigned to remain,” the Labour leader said. “But what that referendum did was to throw politics into turmoil for three years. Between 2016 and 2019, our parliament couldn’t get anything done. It caused huge uncertainty. And I don’t think returning to that kind of uncertainty is actually going to help us rebuild our economy, rebuild our country, grow the wealth and create the wealth that we need for the secure jobs of the future."
Starmer said while a Labour government would not rejoin the EU, it would seek a better deal with Brussels on trade, research and development, defence and security, and education.
@Walter Hinteler,
Walter Hinteler wrote:Quote:Starmer said while a Labour government would not rejoin the EU, it would seek a better deal with Brussels on trade, research and development, defence and security, and education.
NB: following Brexit, the EU and the UK negotiated a set of agreements to guide and govern the future EU-UK relationship.
Starmer already began to prepare the ground for a potential renegotiation of the UK-EU trading agreement in 2025 when he met Marcron last year.
A decline in effective governance and the “long-term scars” caused by austerity and Brexit have stifled economic growth and undermined social cohesion in the UK, according to a major study.
Researchers concluded that an incoming government must make up for a “lost” decade and a half since the global financial crisis in 2008.
Next UK government must address 'long-term scars' of Brexit and austerityQuote:London (DNA) (ots)
A decline in effective national governance and the "long-term scars" caused by austerity measures and Brexit have stifled economic growth and undermined social cohesion in the United Kingdom, according to a study.
Researchers concluded that an incoming government must make up for "lost" decade and a half since the global financial crisis in 2008, with urgent structural changes required to prevent "severe problems" impacting citizens' quality of life.
With the General Election in the UK approaching on July 4, polls suggest Labour is on course for a return to power for the first time since 2010.
But researchers at the University of California Los Angeles (UCLA) and the Hertie School, a university in Berlin, Germany, have warned the next government will face "several interlocking crises" caused by past failings, with a decline in the quality of governance identified as the key cause.
The report highlights that the UK’s governance has repeatedly been among the highest performing countries globally. But it identified "signs of stagnation and erosion", with a particular focus on a lack of state capacity to address pressing social and economic challenges.
The research evaluated the last 14 years of Conservative rule using the Berggruen Governance Index (BGI). This assessment views quality of life in a population as resulting from the interaction between the strength of democratic accountability and the capacity of government to function effectively.
Researchers said the UK began the new millennium with high levels of government performance, but identified factors which were said to have subsequently weakened democracy and state capacity. These included a lack of investment in infrastructure and growing regional inequalities which "resulted in a palpable political backlash", particularly since the mid-2010s.
Political scandals, such as lockdown rule-breaking in Downing Street during the pandemic and breaches of parliamentary standards by MPs, "amplified public discontent", leading to near-record low levels of trust in many UK public institutions, the report said.
It added: "The immediate result of frequent scandals and low economic performance will likely be the repudiation of the Conservative Party on a historic scale at the polls on July 4th."
"However, the (likely) incoming Labour government will have a daunting task ahead as it seeks to restore public trust and rebuild an economic model for long-term growth."
Labour has prioritised economic growth with a range of pledges. These include a promise to abide by strict rules on taxation and public spending to provide stability, reforms to the planning system to boost housing and infrastructure, and investment in clean energy jobs.
However, the Institute for Fiscal Studies, a leading think tank, has accused both Labour and the Conservatives of engaging in a "conspiracy of silence" and ignoring "difficult choices" on spending at a time of high taxes and struggling public services.
Despite the challenges, the Berggruen Governance Index still ranks the UK's governance among the highest of the 145 countries assessed. The UK's scores for quality of life and democratic accountability have remained largely consistent between 2010 and 2021.
However, the score for state capacity, or the quality of government, has seen a more substantial decline, with a five-point drop over the period.
The report suggests this is due largely to an "interplay" of austerity and political dysfunction, with the economic stagnation after 2010 leading to a focus on polarising issues such as Brexit and migration.
These debates dominated over more complex and pressing domestic issues, leading to structural reforms being sidelined to "get Brexit done", the report said.
Consequently, the UK had less disciplined leadership and a weaker governance structure when the pandemic begun in 2020, it added.
Researchers concluded that later leadership scandals such as Liz Truss's mini-budget, which have further undermined trust in government, "could likely not have been possible without these two factors in place".
Identifying the economic causes of the UK's governance challenges, the report said the UK has not recovered from the global financial crisis in 2008.
Austerity measures introduced by the Conservatives after 2010 substantially increased regional inequality while lower investment "sapped the UK of long-term sources of growth", the report said.
The backlash against this approach contributed to the outcome of the 2016 referendum on EU membership which "still haunts the UK economy and political system to this day", it added.
Analysis by the World Bank show the UK lagging well behind the EU average for capital formation, which is one measure of investment, every year since 2020.
"This chronic lack of investment is one obvious explanation for the UK’s infrastructural woes such as crumbling transport and a lack of affordable housing near employment centres," the report said.
This has coincided with the UK also having "extremely low" productivity growth and stagnating gross domestic product, which the researchers warn could "accelerate" pressure on the UK more broadly if the next government "does not adopt a course correction and grow the economy".
The lack of significant growth since the financial crisis has also left the UK with relatively high interest payments due to the scale of fiscal deficits, the study shows.
The report said that while regional inequality partially drove the vote to leave the EU, it has also been exacerbated by the results of that decision, with EU funding to poor regions "drying up" after Brexit.
In conclusion, the research said: “Post-2010 austerity and the decision to leave the EU have left long-term scars on the UK economy and are wearing on the country’s social cohesion. "
It called for the reasons behind the erosion of state capacity to be examined, and for the UK to "finally must take regional planning seriously".
On July 1, Hungary, led by EU skeptic Viktor Orban, will take over the bloc's rotating presidency of the EU Council until the end of the year.
This means: from July 1 to December 31, Hungary will lead meetings of the council, determine the agenda and, as second legislative chamber, head negotiations with the European Parliament.
NB: Although Budapest rejects the EU and its current rule of law norms, it has nevertheless demanded payments from the bloc's COVID-19 recovery fund and the Cohesion Fund (the EU has frozen €30 billion [$32.1 billion] in funding for Hungary).
PM and Tory leader is 20 points behind in the polls, amids rows over a D-Day snub and a gambling scandal - but says he will be PM on Friday despite admitting Brexit is bad for many businesses.
Quote:Rishi Sunak has said he is “proud” of his disastrous election campaign - and claimed he would win Thursday’s general election.
The prime minister has come under fire in recent weeks for a series of calamities that included a rain-soaked announcement of polling day, leaving D-Day commemorations early and a gambling scandal.
But in a crunch interview with just days to go before the vote, Mr Sunak told the BBC's Sunday With Laura Kuenssberg show "this campaign is something I am very proud of" as he sought to highlight Labour’s plans.
He also said he believes he will win the election. Asked whether he thought he would still be prime Minister on Friday, he said: “Yes. I’m fighting very hard and I think people are waking up to the real danger of what a Labour government means.”
The Leave-campaigning Tory leader also admitted that Brexit has been bad for many British businesses.
“Of course when you leave the Single Market and the Customs Union that is going to change our trading relationships.”
He added: “But we have the most deepest, bilateral free trade agreement with the European continent that any nation has anywhere around the world.”
The IndependentThe trade agreements between the EU and Iceland, Liechtenstein, Norway, Andorra, San Marino and Monaco certainly better than with the UK.
@Walter Hinteler,
Today, Orban announced a new far-right European alliance, dubbed "Patriots for Europe", the group brings together Orban's right-wing populist Fidesz party, Austria's far-right Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ) and the Czech Republic's centre-right group of ex-premier Andrej Babis.
Germany and the UK are considering a rapprochement between the United Kingdom and the European Union. "We are examining with the new British government how the United Kingdom can move closer to the #EU again," announced the Federal Foreign Office in Berlin on the occasion of the inaugural visit of the new British Foreign Secretary David Lammy to his colleague Annalena Baerbock.
However, Lammy had already ruled out a return to the EU or the customs union after Brexit before taking office.
@Walter Hinteler,
New business secretary Jonathan Reynolds said ‘of course’ ministers should explore opportunity to sell more to the EU but again ruled out a return to freedom of movement.
EU willing to offer Keir Starmer new deal on Brexit, Irish PM says
Only when the blinkers of Eurosceptic ideology are removed does the full scale of the task of repairing EU relations become clear.
The Brexit fantasists may be beaten, but Brexit reality is a far tougher foeQuote:Rishi Sunak didn’t choose an early July election so that defeat might spare him the hassle of hosting tomorrow’s summit of the European Political Community (EPC), but it is a duty he was glad to forgo.
Protocols of continental fellowship never came naturally to the Conservative leader and his party would have despised him for faking them. By contrast, Keir Starmer is grateful for the gathering in Blenheim as a chance to show how Britain under a Labour government is released from Brexit neurosis.
The EPC is not part of the EU. It was conceived by the French president, Emmanuel Macron, in 2022 after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, as a way to include non-EU states in a wider circle of European solidarity. It is a talking shop, not a treaty organisation. The vague purpose and imprimatur of Macron’s vanity make it an object of scepticism in some Brussels corridors. As a launchpad for Starmer’s European policy “reset”, it is perfect.
The prime minister wants to project maximum good neighbourliness without sounding impatient to unpick the knotty details of Britain’s post-Brexit trade settlement – a negotiation for which there is no appetite in European capitals or EU institutions.
Starmer’s opening bid is something more amenable and available – a new UK-EU defence and security partnership, with security defined expansively to include energy supplies, climate policy and migration. That has the merit of offering Europe something it might actually want from Britain. It would restore the framework for broad strategic alignment envisaged in the “political declaration” that came attached to Theresa May’s Brexit deal and which was shredded by Boris Johnson.
As the only European country to rank alongside France as a serious military power, Britain has hardware and expertise to offer continental democracies that feel vulnerable to Russian aggression. That anxiety is soaring in proportion to shortening odds on Donald Trump returning to the White House in November, undermining Nato and appeasing the Kremlin.
Britain offering to deploy its security capabilities under a European banner will buy a lot of goodwill in Brussels. Whether that can be parlayed into favours on the trade side of the ledger is a different question. The official answer is no. The unofficial answer is not yet.
There was enough backchannel communication when Labour was in opposition for Starmer to know that his EU interlocutors will be grateful to no longer be dealing with Tories, but also that gratitude and good vibes don’t alter the calculus of economic interest. Johnson gave away so much commercial advantage in his haste to show that Brexit was “done” that Brussels has little incentive to tinker with the existing trade deal, even to satisfy Starmer’s relatively modest ambitions for closer regulatory alignment.
There are dozens of harder and more urgent problems consuming the technical and political bandwidth of the European Commission. There is also still wariness of making concessions that could be perceived as rewards for Britain’s decision to quit the club.
But there are things that the EU wants from the UK – fisheries access, a youth mobility scheme. Some continental governments are open to persuasion that reconciliation with London has benefits that should soften the usual Brussels allergy to anything that might enable economic competition from a non-member state.
The safe forecast is that relations will be better than they have been under the Tories and harder than pro-Europeans might have hoped. Johnson’s Brexit was designed to be irreversible. It is a ratchet of automatic divergence over time.
The eggs cannot simply be unscrambled. Creating something more palatable is a project requiring constant application of political capital, diplomatic energy and leadership. It isn’t something that can be cooked on a back burner or delegated too far down the ministerial chain. Yet Starmer’s priorities are elsewhere.
That could change if the Treasury runs out of ways to stimulate the economy without substantial easing of friction at the border with the single market. Business leaders, previously cowed by Conservative dogma, are enjoying their newfound liberty to lobby for closer EU ties.
Parliament has no shortage of Labour MPs poised to ask the prime minister if he will follow the economic facts when they point towards Europe. The Commons sect that cries heresy when any shadow of rationality passes across the sacred altar of Brexit is reduced in number and exiled to opposition.
To see the election result as a rebuke to their creed would overinterpret a more general rejection of incompetence and sleaze. Europe was absent from the campaign. But there is a causal link between the ideological mania that gripped the Tories in the aftermath of the Brexit referendum, the elevation of charlatans and mediocrities to positions of power, and the subsequent failure to govern well.
With Nigel Farage’s Reform party lurking in second place in dozens of Labour seats, Starmer will still be wary of anything that points towards restitution of open-border migration. But Reform voters are not all sovereignty cultists, ready to take up arms against a veterinary standards agreement if it acknowledges the jurisdiction of the European court.
Starmer can start pushing the boundaries of European diplomacy deep into terrain that was off limits for a Conservative prime minister, and still be confident of occupying the mainstream centre-ground of British public opinion.
The era of Brexit as a faith-based system of government, setting precise theological parameters for acceptable policy, is over. But that means a new era of Brexit as a different cluster of economic and diplomatic headaches is just beginning.
For years, Britain’s European policy has been governed by a simple exercise in Eurosceptic geometry. Each degree of separation was a step towards freedom and prosperity. That made it easy to make terrible decisions.
Only once the ideological blinkers are removed and a pragmatic lens is applied can the full magnitude of harm done to Britain’s strategic, economic and political relations with its neighbours come into view. Every subsequent step is now harder. Success is far from guaranteed. But there is at least a chance, with a prime minister facing the right direction, using reality as the starting point.
David Cameron, George Osborne and Matt Hancock to face criticism about priorities in years running up to pandemic.
Verdict due on impact of Brexit and austerity on Covid-19 response
Glad to draw line under poisonous Brexit era, diplomats say Starmer’s new approach to EU brings ‘good vibes’
Proposed UK-EU security pact ‘will be welcomed in Brussels’, MEP says
@Walter Hinteler,
The EU reveals its eight demands for a better relationship with Britain.
UK must apply existing Brexit deals before any reset in relations, says EU