Do you want to come to China? Study or Business

China "will" some day have the biggest market in the world.

btw,where is the biggest market in the world?

where is the biggest market?
i had never thought of this topic, but now, when i started thinking on this, i suppose it should be china only.
but, i will never do business with china!

The "biggest" market in the world today is the USA. It's because the GDP and per capita income is the highest in the US. The problem with China's economy is that their workers are not gaining in their standard of living as quickly as their growth in GDP, because they have fixed their currency to the US dollar. Most of the world can buy Chinese made goods at cheap prices, but that comes at the expense of the workers in China who are paid less than $100 per month to work in their factories. Their $100 per month wages cannot compete in the world marketplace to purchase goods from around the world. China's growth is at the expense of its workers.

I don't have much interest in visiting China. I've heard the people there stink because they don't bathe, everyone just stares at you, and the women are awful.

Who knows, maybe what I've read is wrong.

I want to go to Japan.

This message is for shin in Japan. Your determination to not do business in China is going to only hurt yourself. We now have a world economy, and trade must flow freely from one country to the next. To make a statement that you will not do business with country X is self-defeating, because many Japanese, American, and European companies are combining with country X companies to produce goods and services.

China's 'Haves' Stir the 'Have Nots' to Violence
By JOSEPH KAHN

Published: December 31, 2004



WANZHOU, China, Dec. 24 - The encounter, at first, seemed purely pedestrian. A man carrying a bag passed a husband and wife on a sidewalk. The man's bag brushed the woman's pants leg, leaving a trace of mud. Words were exchanged. A scuffle ensued.

Easily forgettable, except that one of the men, Yu Jikui, was a lowly porter. The other, Hu Quanzong, boasted that he was a ranking government official. Mr. Hu beat Mr. Yu using the porter's own carrying stick, then threatened to have him killed.

For Wanzhou, a Yangtze River port city, the script was incendiary. Onlookers spread word that a senior official had abused a helpless porter. By nightfall, tens of thousands of people had swarmed Wanzhou's central square, where they tipped over government vehicles, pummeled policemen and set fire to city hall.

Minor street quarrel provokes mass riot. The Communist Party, obsessed with enforcing social stability, has few worse fears. Yet the Wanzhou uprising, which occurred on Oct. 18, is one of nearly a dozen such incidents in the past three months, many touched off by government corruption, police abuse and the inequality of the riches accruing to the powerful and well connected.

"People can see how corrupt the government is while they barely have enough to eat," said Mr. Yu, reflecting on the uprising that made him an instant proletarian hero - and later forced him into seclusion. "Our society has a short fuse, just waiting for a spark."

Though it is experiencing one of the most spectacular economic expansions in history, China is having more trouble maintaining social order than at any time since the Tiananmen Square democracy movement in 1989.

Police statistics show the number of public protests reached nearly 60,000 in 2003, an increase of nearly 15 percent from 2002 and eight times the number a decade ago. Martial law and paramilitary troops are commonly needed to restore order when the police lose control.

China does not have a Polish-style Solidarity labor movement. Protests may be so numerous in part because they are small, local expressions of discontent over layoffs, land seizures, use of natural resources, ethnic tensions, misspent state funds, forced immigration, unpaid wages or police killings. Yet several mass protests, like the one in Wanzhou, show how people with different causes can seize an opportunity to press their grievances together.

The police recently arrested several advocates of peasant rights suspected of helping to coordinate protest activities nationally. Those are worrying signs for the one-party state, reflexively wary of even the hint of organized opposition.

Wang Jian, a researcher at the Communist Party's training academy in Changchun, in northeast China, said the number and scale of protests had been rising because of "frictions and even violent conflicts between different interest groups" in China's quasi market economy.

"These mass incidents have seriously harmed the country's social order and weakened government authority, with destructive consequences domestically and abroad," Mr. Wang wrote in a recent study.

China's top leaders said after their annual planning session in September that the "life and death of the party" rests on "improving governance," which they define as making party officials less corrupt and more responsive to public concerns.

But the only accessible outlet for farmers and workers to complain is the network of petition and appeals offices, a legacy of imperial rule. A new survey by Yu Jianrong, a leading sociologist at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences in Beijing, found that petitions to the central government had increased 46 percent in 2003 from the year before, but that only two-hundredths of 1 percent of those who used the system said it worked.