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Mexico's drug cartels have expanded beyond drugs and guns

 
 
Reply Wed 8 Feb, 2012 10:52 am
Feb. 08, 2012
Commentary: Mexico's drug cartels have expanded beyond drugs and guns
Mary Sanchez | The Kansas City Star

A bit of respect, please, for the drug cartels. For their ingenuity, technological shrewdness, and ability to adapt their products and services to a changing marketplace.

It's a perspective missed by both Democrats and Republicans. Politicians of both parties are too busy grandstanding about "securing" or "fixing" a border they fail fully to understand.

A series of position papers is being released by the nonprofit Immigration Policy Center detailing the failings at the U.S.-Mexico border in stark, necessary language. The author is former Arizona Attorney General Terry Goddard, and his nuanced view is a corrective to the overheated rhetoric we usually hear on the subject.

Most Americans think the trouble at our southern border is just about guns, dope and meth. Goddard argues the Mexican drug cartels are more aptly described as “transnational criminal organizations.” They are branching to new lines of business like production and distribution of pirated music, movies and software, money laundering and hijacking.

“Rather than being just a line in the desert sand, the southwest border is a complex, multidimensional interrelationship of immigration laws, cyberspace money transfers, and international business connections,” Goddard writes.

His second in a series of three reports, “How to Fix a Broken Border: Disrupting Smuggling at Its Source,” was released days ago. In almost every paragraph you can read Goddard’s exasperation with our wrongheaded border policy.

Politicians earn brownie points from voters by pumping up the rhetoric about needing “more boots on the ground,” but they are unlikely to catch a Zeta that way. “If we are serious about stopping the threat on the border, we have to dismantle the criminal organizations that carry the contraband and take away the tools that make them so effective,” Goddard writes. “Anything less will fail.”

Clearly, the U.S. is stuck at fail. Goddard points out that “success” at the border is difficult to define, and he questions whether we should take comfort in statistics that show fewer illegal border crossings.

Current enforcement approaches typically focus on chasing the contraband and the humans being smuggled, rather than stopping the enterprises behind the work. Some law enforcement efforts have had the paradoxical effect of increasing demand for the cartel’s services, such as moving people across the border.

A major fault of U.S. policy is failing fully to understand the cartels’ motivations and methods. Despite their well-deserved reputation for grisly and indiscriminate murder, the cartels are not interested in bringing that mayhem north of the border. That would be bad for business.

Consider a typical occurrence: cartel operatives dumping large quantities of drugs in order to avoid a gunfight with U.S. agents. This tactic too often works as a pacifier. Drug enforcement officials pose for the predictable media photo op. “Look, what we got!”

Meanwhile, the smugglers are long gone, on to the next transaction. Such losses are a necessary component of their business model, Goddard points out. Dump the product to ensure the business remains profitable, one step ahead of the law.

The cartels are extremely sophisticated in their intel and operations. And their raison d’etre is not violence but making money. They are as committed to profit seeking as any Fortune 500 business. Indeed, they funnel an estimated $40 billion in revenue from U.S. operations back to Mexico annually, according to Goddard.

The key to defeating the cartels will be going after the vital aspects of their businesses.

“Their communication systems must be cracked, jammed, and shut down,” Goddard writes. “Their leaders must be identified, arrested and incarcerated. Most important, the illegal flow of funds across the border into cartel pockets must be disrupted, interrupted and stopped.”

During his time as Arizona attorney general, Goddard won a $94 million settlement with Western Union; he had charged that cartels had used the company extensively in highly complicated money transfers.

His instinct as a prosecutor has been to follow the money, and he argues that the U.S. Department of Treasury needs to collaborate with the Department of Homeland Security and the Mexican government in concerted, well-organized efforts as nimble as the cartels’ own. You don’t move $40 billion across a border every year without the help of some major financial intermediaries.

The violence in Mexico is horrific, but it also prompts overblown fears here in the U.S., with the result that our border policies are often ineffective and incoherent.

If we hope to see the cartels crumble, we have to change the way we understand them. Goddard’s reports are a step in the right direction.
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Reply Wed 22 Aug, 2012 10:59 am
@BumbleBeeBoogie,
Aug. 21, 2012
Rumors of war within Mexico’s Los Zetas gang raise fear of new violence
By Tim Johnson | McClatchy Newspapers

MEXICO CITY -- ]

Mexico’s largest crime group, Los Zetas, appears to be splintering into two rival factions locked in occasional open warfare with each other, experts say.

The factions are tussling for control of the central states of Zacatecas and San Luis Potosi and are battling each other in parts of the Yucatan Peninsula.

What sparked the rift is unclear, but signs of the apparent split have come in public banners left at crime scenes, replete with accusations of betrayal and treason between factions led by the two top leaders, Heriberto Lazcano and Miguel Angel Trevino.

“We’re looking at a turning point for them,” said Samuel Logan, a security analyst who’s the co-author of a book on the Zetas that was released earlier this year. “We’re at the beginning of the public stage of the split, but it’s been developing for a while.”

A fracturing of Los Zetas could force a violent realignment of Mexico’s drug-trafficking gangs and probably would create challenges for President-elect Enrique Pena Nieto, who promised to bring down soaring homicides after his inauguration Dec. 1.

One of the latest signs of turmoil came Aug. 9, when authorities found a Mercedes-Benz truck bearing 14 bodies on the outskirts of the city of San Luis Potosi, a mining and industrial hub that’s the capital of the state of the same name. Afterward, state Attorney General Miguel Garcia Covarrubias said a man who’d feigned death and survived the massacre told authorities that groups of Zetas were battling each other.

“It seems this is a dispute within Los Zetas, a rivalry among themselves,” Garcia Covarrubias told Mexico City’s W Radio network.

The members of Los Zetas, a band formed by military deserters, worked as enforcers for the Gulf Cartel in northeast Mexico until a violent schism in 2010. Since then, the Zetas have branched beyond drug trafficking to extortion, human smuggling, kidnapping and piracy of goods.

Known for extreme brutality, the group is thought to be active in at least half of Mexico’s 31 states and Mexico City, as well as throughout Central America.

“The Zetas have expanded rapidly in recent years, and they might have hit a wall,” said Alejandro Hope, a former official in the national intelligence agency CISEN.

He cautioned that reports of a rift within the Zetas could be part of a government “psy ops” campaign to inject paranoia into the gang. As to the extent of a split, “we don’t really know yet.”

Initial reports of a rift emerged in early June, then surged with the arrest June 12 of Trevino’s brother, Jose, at a horse-breeding ranch in Oklahoma, inflaming mistrust and questions that someone within the gang had led U.S. agents to the ranch.

“It might have launched a chain reaction of suspicions within Los Zetas,” Hope said.

In early August, cloth banners appeared along highways in the states of Veracruz, Coahuila and Tamaulipas denying that a Zetas split had occurred.

But within days, new signs of infighting emerged in the states of Campeche, Tabasco and Quintana Roo, all in Mexico’s southeast. On Aug. 9, security agents arrested Jorge Luis Martinez Rodriguez, known as “El Taz,” in Campeche, linked to one faction of Los Zetas. The next day, police in Quintana Roo arrested an alleged midlevel henchman of Trevino’s, and said another Zetas faction had ratted him out.

Other crime groups are taking note – and sides – in the dispute.

The Knights Templar, a longtime enemy of Los Zetas with a strong presence in Michoacan state, hung banners across the state Friday belittling Trevino as a “terrorist” and a “military objective” of their group.

Heavy violence linked to Los Zetas has sprung up in central Mexico, leading President Felipe Calderon last week to order the deployment of some 15,000 additional federal police and soldiers to the states of Michoacan, Nuevo Leon, Guanajuato, Zacatecas, San Luis Potosi, Coahuila and Tamaulipas.

Analysts said a splintering of Los Zetas could lead to an uptick in violence as lower-level gangsters sought to snatch turf, smuggling corridors and crime activity.

“When organized-crime groups divide, these divisions are often very violent,” said Jorge Chabat, a security expert at the Center for Research and Teaching in Economics, a Mexico City research center.

Added Logan, the Zetas expert: “When you have the big dogs fighting, it leaves room for the smaller dogs to pick up the pieces and get stronger.”

Any weakening or division of Los Zetas would leave the Sinaloa Cartel under kingpin Joaquin “El Chapo” Guzman the strongest crime group in Mexico. The U.S. Treasury Department in January labeled Guzman "the world’s most powerful drug trafficker.” His group is based in the Pacific Coast state of the same name but it has tentacles around the world.

Nearly a dozen other crime groups occupy smaller niches in the nation’s criminal hierarchy.
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